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This page examines the life, writings, and depictions of the Malays by Francis Light (1740–1794), situating his portrayals within their historical, political, and intellectual context.

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Biography & Timeline

Malay Colonial Identity

Sources

Biography of Francis Light (1740 – 1794)

This section provides a concise overview of the life of Francis Light, highlighting the experiences and historical circumstances that shaped his worldview and writings on the Malays.

Historical Background

Francis Light was born during the Georgian era (1714–1837), a time when military and agricultural pursuits were central to British imperial endeavors, where he lived under the reign of George II (r.1727–1760) who had passion in military and George III (r.1760–1820) who was interested in agriculture. The nickname for King George III (r.1760–1820) was Farmer George due to his interest in agriculture.

Living in the working-class of the Georgian Age was a tragedy as exhibited that his early life was marked by significant social and familial uncertainty which became his reason to go to the East.

His worldview or belief is of the Western Graeco-Roman, Anglican Church, and an English man.

His leaning towards his faith is seen in his unknown birthdate but emphasis was given to the date of his baptism, which signified his existence was not important enough for administrative and legal matters.

His worldview or belief is of the Western Graeco-Roman, Anglican Church, and an English man.

Contributions

The official contribution of Francis Light (1740–1794) is the creation of the Prince of Wales Island (Penang Island). This is significant as he had established a British settlement on the Straits of Malacca. This strategic move effectively severed Penang Island from the Malay state of Kedah Darul Aman, Kedah being one of the oldest civilization and monarchy in Southeast Asia. The name of the island in Malay history is Pulau Kesatu, yet due to the abundance of the areca (pinang) tree, it was better known as Pulau Pinang.

Francis Light took hold of Penang on the 17 July 1786 and arrived at Point Penanga or Fort Cornwallis. He then renamed the Island as the Prince of Wales Island after the heir to the British monarchy and Georgetown was to commemorate King George III (1760–1820). Though it was baptised as the Prince of Wales Island, it was still known as its nickname, Pulau Pinang or Penang Island.

Due to the pursuit of the Georgian era (1714–1837), the expansion of the British empire supplied raw materials and trade for British goods to which Francis Light found employment in that sector. Where, his efforts contributed to the accessibility of valuable Malay spices, such as pepper and nutmeg to British markets, enhancing trade opportunities.

Established as a British colonial settlement, Penang evolved into a predominantly Chinese commercial port under British administration.

Legacy

A title of nobility was bestowed by King Taksin of Siam, 1778, to Francis Light — “Phyaratchakapitan” (Phraya Raja-Capitan).

The Light Letters is the largest collection of letters related to Francis Light (1740–1794). It was deposited in the School of Oriental Studies, (SOAS), by William Marsden. The Light Letters that are held in Universiti Sains Malaysia is utilised. It has been observed that the calendar used in the Light Letters is the Malay Calender, the years of dal and zai are written.

There are numerous studies on Francis Light.

A statue of Francis Light was erected at Fort Cornwallis in Penang, serving as a symbol of his enduring impact on the region’s historical and cultural landscape.

The authority of the Malay colonial images in the writings of Francis Light was based upon the perceived authority and knowledge he had upon the Malays by Western Malay Scholarship. His life was immersed with the Malays – his physical environment, his language acquisition, his written language abilities, his relationship with the Malay courts and people. During his time, he was amongst the earliest to arrive in the Malay Archipelago and established himself. He knew the Malay and Siamese languages, lived like a Malay man in Tanjong Salang, and married a local woman, Martina Rozells.

He had various natures of relationships with the Malay people of different hierarchies; from trade relations, diplomatic relations, fighting their wars, warring against them, friendships, inviting Malays to reside in Penang, governing the Malays, administrating justice, hiring the Malays for work, and owning Malay debt-slaves. therefore knowing them intimately.

Birth & Death

Born to Mary Light (1721–1791), an unmarried common woman, his paternity was never definitively established, and his socio-economic standing was limited by his illegitimate birth. His birthdate was unrecorded and was baptised on the 15th December 1740 at Dallinghoo, Suffolk, England as a Protestant Christian. Light (1740–1794) was adopted by William Negus in 1747.

The worldview of Francis Light is evidenced in his unknown birthdate yet prominence is given to his date of baptise, the date he enters the community of faith. The date of birth is important for legal matters to which was lacking in his circumstances of birth. No records of his childhood are known, signifying that his life was not worth knowing in his home country. Despite this, there is contention in his date of birth was 1745, to which this is not feasible as he entered Grammar school in 1747.

Francis Light led an adventurous life and died on the 21st October 1794 due to malaria and his body is laid to rest at the Protestant Cemetery on Penang Island.

Family of Origin

His mother was Mary Light (1721–1791). Francis Light was the illegitimate child of Mary Light.

William Negus and Mary Light shared another elder son who died in infancy, Mary Light was probably of humble origins.

His paternity is unknown.

The adopted father of Francis Light was William Negus (d. 1773). William Negus (d. 1773) of Melton was a large landowner in Suffolk, son of Colonel Francis Negus at the Foot Guards, Avener and Master of the Buckhounds to King George the First, as well as being the Commissioner for the Office of Master of the Horse and member of Parliament of Ipswich. William Negus and Mary Light shared another elder son who died in infancy, Mary Light was probably of humble origins.

However, according to H.P. Clodd in his Malaya’s First British Pioneer: The Life of Francis Light, William Negus is the father of Francis Light. William Negus (d. 1773) was rumoured to be the father of Francis Light but this has been debunked as he has received payment for Francis Light’s education and being his guardian, the Negus family is related to the Light family of Suffolk.

Francis Light (1740–1794) was adopted by William Negus in 1747 which facilitated his education at Seckford’s Grammar School at Woodbridge under Rev. Thomas Ray, which was chosen by William Negus as the school did not attach any stigma to illegitimate children and the people who attended Woodbridge School in 1747 were children of people of note. Among his school friends of the same year were Edmund Jenny, Joseph Fielding, Stephen Brightwell, George and Francis Brooke (sons of George Brooke Athelington) and James and Thomas Lambert (sons of the rector of Melton).

On the 2nd June 1773, William Negus of Melton died at the age of 60 years old. Francis Light received inheritance from William Negus in the form of “wages sum and sum of money, lands, tenements, goods, chattels, and estates whatsoever.”

Schooling

Francis Light (1740–1794) was adopted by William Negus in 1747 which facilitated his education at Seckford’s Grammar School at Woodbridge under Rev. Thomas Ray. Not much was known about the life of Light in England due to lack of records.

Seckford’s Grammar School was chosen by William Negus as the school did not attach any stigma to illegitimate children.

The people who attended Woodbridge School in 1747 were children of people of note. Among his school friends of the same year were Edmund Jenny, Joseph Fielding, Stephen Brightwell, George and Francis Brooke (sons of George Brooke Athelington) and James and Thomas Lambert (sons of the rector of Melton)

Career

Due to the circumstances of his existence in the Georgian Era, he took to the East. The career of Francis Light began when he was in the British Navy (1759–1763) as a midshipman, Country Trader (1765–1786), the Superintendent of Penang (1786–1794), and chief trader in Penang (1786–1794). His employers were the British Government (1759–1763), Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786) and the East India Company (1786–1794).

Francis Light entered the Royal Navy at nineteen years old in 1759, during the late stages of the Seven Years War (1756–1763).

He had served as a midshipman in H. M. S. Captain after a few months he was transferred to be a midshipman for the H.M.S. Dragon before he became a midshipman on board the H. M. S. Arrogant, in 1761.

The Seven Years War (1756–1763) was primarily a war between Great Britain and France to control colonies, and Light left in 1763 as peace had been achieved.

Francis Light then met James Scott in the Navy in 1761–3. On the H.M.S. Arrogant James Scott and Francis Light were shipmates. Francis Light and James Scott had become very familiar with the nations, customs and political characters in the East Indies.

Francis Light was a Madras-based Country Trader. His employer was Jourdain, Sullivan and De Souza.

King Charles II had instructed country traders to leave the Asian waters due to England’s civil war in 1657 but the Country Traders defied the order, this has resulted into temporary disrupted activities of the East India Company.

In the eighteenth century, the East India Company began to recognise the value of private traders. Many country traders conducted privately under the aegis of the East India Company, these country traders were either the British India Company’s officials or operating under licence, and this occurred when the importance of the China trade began. Hence, there was a need for a transit port by the East India Company between India and China.

On the 2nd March 1786, the East India Company had selected Francis Light to be charged with the responsibility of superintending Penang Island due to his knowledge in the Malay language and his popularity with the Malay chiefs.

Francis Light was also the Chief Trader on the Penang Island.

Though Francis Light was the main trader and was the person in power in Penang, unfortunately, he didn’t make much money. According to Skinner, Francis Light felt that he should not be trading but focusing on Pinang, with an increase of salary and the ability to have some money for retirement.

Employers

https://www.britannica.com/topic/Royal-Navy#ref477120

The shipping firm Jourdain, Sullivan & De Souza was licensed by the British East India Company to conduct local trading in the Eastern Archipelago. The ship Francis Light went on to go to the East was Olive.

The East India Company was developed when a group of London-based merchants pooled their
capital in 1599 and formed a company to tap into the potential wealth founded on the spices in the Eastern Isles. The East India Company was first known as the “Governor and Company of Merchants of London Trading into the East-Indies,” incorporated on 31 December 1600 and granted a royal charter by Queen Elizabeth 1. In 1698, the English Trading Company and the Company merged and became the United Company of Merchants Trading to the East Indies, which was also known as the Honourable East India Company and also as John Company. By the end of the eighteenth century, the East India Company emerged as the sole survivor of the private international trading companies formed early in the seventeenth century to trade in the East Indies. The British parliament’s Government of India Act of 1833 abolished East India Company’s trade monopoly with China as of 22 April 1834. In 1834, the commercial operations were brought to an end and on 2 August 1858 the company had its final abolition
with the passing of the Government of India Act.

Contemporaries

Among his contemporaries were James Scott, Pia Pimon, Lady Chan, Chao Pya, Sultan Muhammad Jiwa Zainal Abidin II (r. 1710–1778) and Sultan Mukarram Shah (r.1778–1797).

James Scott was a shipmate of Francis Light where they met on the H.M.S. Arrogant and then became friends and partners. He was also versed in the language and customs of the Malays and Siamese of Junk Ceylon.

James Scot was offered a position in Selangor. Sultan Ibrahim (1778–1826) from Selangor had sought assistance from Francis Light to hoist the British flag in Selangor and a British resident in Selangor, specifically either Francis Light, James Scott, or Thomas Forrest in Kuala Selangor as the Sultan had believed that the presence of the British in Selangor would enable him (Sultan Ibrahim (1778–1826) to trade freely with the Bugis.

The idea of a British settlement in Penang by Francis Light was also supported by him.

In the will of Francis Light, James Scott inherited a Silver gurglet and bason. Yet, upon the death of Francis Light, James Scott was known to swindle Martina Rozell and her children’s inheritance. Sadly, as General James Welsh, husband to Sarah Light, writes in 1818 that Francis Light’s children “have lived to see every inch of ground and even his houses alienated from them.”

Pia Phimon, the Governor of Thalang, was a man of the South, not born in Thalang, was probably a Malay man who was a member by marriage of the most important local ruling families – Ban Thakhian, the family of Lady Chan. However, tension between the local rulers of Thalang and the Bangkok administration and officers was a normal feature in Thalang politics.

The ruling family was Ban Thakhian. A blended family of Siam and Malay descendents. The contemporary ruling Governor was Phya Phimon.

Most of the people in Junk Ceylon were amicable towards Francis Light and bought provisions from him, yet there was a local governor that abhorred him and made life hard for him and the people who liaised with him in Junk Ceylon. This hatred was visibly intensified after the death of the Governor of Junk Ceylon, Pia Pimons. The death of Pia Pimons (d. 1785), the Governor of the Island of Junk Ceylon (Salang), had also left his seat vacant, thus upon the trust that his widow had towards Francis Light, she offered him to assume her late husband’s position as Governor of Junk Ceylon through an official correspondence but Francis Light politely declined. It was at this time that the Dutch proved to be a much formidable enemy compared to Siam.

Lady Chan is a Thai – Malay woman whose family was Ban Thakhian, the ruling family of Tanjung Salang. It is also a blended family of Siam and Malay descendents. The contemporary ruling Governor was Phya Phimon. Lady Chan is Phya Phimon’s wife and widow,

The nature of relationship between Lady Chan and Francis Light is political and trade. Lady Chan was in correspondence with Francis Light after the death of Pia Phimon as the death of Pia Pimons (d. 1785) had left his seat vacant, thus upon the trust that his widow had towards Francis Light, she offered him to assume her late husband’s position as Governor of Junk Ceylon through an official correspondence but Francis Light politely declined. It was at this time that the Dutch proved to be a much formidable enemy compared to Siam.

The life of Francis Light was generally good when in Thalang except for the existence of Chao Phya, a Thalang officer who was tyrannical and gave him trouble. According to a letter written by Francis Light in 1780, Francis Light supplied rice to the people of Thalang but the people of Thalang were prohibited form Chao Phya to pay his due, but the inhabitants still paid Francis Light though their life was at stake. Chao Phya was a tyrant, naturally, the inhabitants of Thalang just wanted Choa Phya out of Thalang, hence, they sought help from Burma, the Malays, and/or Europeans.

Sultan Muhammad Jiwa Zain al-‘Adilin Mu’azzam Syah sought help from Francis Light to buy a substantial amount of rice (four or five koyans of rice) through barter.

Sultan Mukarram Shah (r.1778–1797) was the first known Malay to fight against Light (1740–1794) at Prai.

Family of Choice

In 1772, Francis Light (1740–1794) met Martina Rozells and they had five children together; Sarah, William, Mary, Francis Lanoon, and Anne; to which all survived him. Francis Light personally named his five children in his will; Sarah Light, William Light, Mary Light, Lanon Light, and Lukey Light, and the possibility of Martina Rozells being pregnant. However, upon his death, it was revealed that they only had five children together.

Martina Rozells is a Roman Catholic Eurasian of Portuguese, French and Siamese descent in Junk Ceylon, consequently, their matrimonial union was not recognised by the Anglican church, his employers and the British in general; due to them being in different sects of Christianity, therefore, in his will, she was written as the woman who he “had cohabited with since 1772” to 1794, and their children were recorded as “her (Martina Rozells) children despite them carrying his surname.

Martina Rozells was also known as Martinha Thong Di and Martinha Thong Di Khoo. Her Malay title is ‘‘Nona.”

Martina Rozells died in 1822.

It is not confirmed if she remarried to a Hubertus Jan Timmer in 1799 and had two daughters together to which he abandoned Martina and their daughters in 1804.

Sarah Light (October 1779–24 July 1839) married at Calcutta on December 28, 1794 to General James Welsh (d. 24 January 1861) of the Madras Army. General James Welsh was a distinguished officer, published his “Military Reminiscences” (two volumes) in 1830.

Sarah and General Welsh had a deceased unmarried son and seven daughters.

William Light (1784–1839) who is known as the founder of Adelaide in Australia.

Mary Light (d. 1844 at Boulogne)

It was Mary’s great grandson, Archibald Francis Steuart, who wrote the first biography of Francis and William Light in 1901, benefitting from the access he had to private diaries and correspondence still in the family archives.

Upon realising that Francis Light deceived the Sultan of Kedah out of the island of Penang, the Sultan sought his dominion in a kind way, after many vain attempts, the Sultan of Kedah then tried to retake his island but was in vain. The son was named Lanoon meaning pirate in the Malay language, as he was named to commemorate the win of Francis Light against the King of Kedah.

Francis Lanoon Light became the resident of Minto (Muntok) in Bangka, when the British held the island of Java and Sumatera. Francis Lanoon Light died at Penang October 5 1823.

He was a contemporary of Stamford Raffles.

Anne (Lukey) Light. (1793-?)

Scandals

There are seven main scandals pertaining Light the claimant of Penang Island, the illegal British Settlement of Penang, the Kedahan princess affair, Nyonya Yeen, his paternity, Penang as a dowry, land acquisition in Penang.

Francis Light had never claimed to have founded the island, as he himself acknowledge the natives of Penang who resided in Tanjung Tokong. It was A.F. Steuart in his A Short Sketch of the Lives of Francis Light and William Light, the Founders of Penang and Adelaide, with extracts from their Journals.

The second scandal is the British settlement of Penang was through deceit, Light (1740–1794) wrote that Penang was cessed to him due to his personal influence. However, historiography has proven that Light rented the island with an unfulfilled promise to give military aid from EIC.

Penang was obtained in a misleading manner where help was promised by Francis Light to Kedah but was not delivered. Despite this, Francis Light took hold of Penang on the 17 July 1786 and arrived at Point Penanga or Fort Cornwallis.

The third scandal is that the island of Penang was a dowry to Light by the Sultan of Kedah for the marriage for his daughter to him, spun by Captain Trapaud in his A Short Account of the Prince of Wales’ Island or Pulo Peenang, in the East Indies Given to Captain Light by the King of Quedah.

The fourth scandal was Nyonya Yeen. She was a woman who was an ambassador for the Sultan of Kedah to meet Francis Light to negotiate protection to Kedah against enemies.

Though working as an employee of Jourdain, Sullivan, and De Souza, while on a mission to find a suitable British settlement, he was approached by a Nyonya (Yeen) on behalf of the King of Kedah, who saw Francis Light as a means of protection against other nations. She was sent to negotiate with Francis Light for a trading station in Kedah in exchange with a force of Sepoys which should be provided by Francis Light to aid the King of Kedah to repel attacks upon his kingdom. This Nyonya (Yeen) was the main source of scandal as it was unusual for women to be involved in political missions by Muslims during that space and time.

The biological father of Francis Light is in contention. However, according to H.P. Clodd in his Malaya’s First British Pioneer: The Life of Francis Light, William Negus is the father of Francis Light. William Negus of Melton was a large landowner in Suffolk, son of Colonel Francis Negus at the Foot Guards, Avener and Master of the Buckhounds to King George the First, as well as being the Commissioner for the Office of Master of the Horse and member of Parliament of Ipswich.

William Negus and Mary Light shared another elder son who died in infancy, Mary Light was probably of humble origins.

William Negus (d. 1773) was rumoured to be the father of Francis Light but this has been debunked as he has received payment for Francis Light’s education and being his guardian, the Negus family is related to the Light family of Suffolk.

On the 2nd June 1773, William Negus of Melton died at the age of 60 years old. Francis Light received inheritance from William Negus in the form of “wages sum and sum of money, lands, tenements, goods, chattels, and estates whatsoever.”

Elisha Trapuad wrote that Francis Light received the Penang Island as a dowry from the King of Kedah. In the same vein, Muhammad Jiwa Zainal Adilin 19th Sultan of Kedah had “adopted” Martina Rozells as his daughter as she was his child with a lower-ranking wife. This is highly contentious because in Islam, there is no lower-ranking wife, an eligible Muslim man is able to have four wives at a time, and Martina Rozells is a Christian, while her so-called father is Muslim while her surname is Rozell. This is also demystified with the epistolary evidence that the taking of Penang was deceptive.

The seventh scandal was land acquisition in Penang. Francis Light was given the authority by the East India Company to allocate land and mode of tenure on the island at his discretion.

The Construction of Authority in Francis Light’s Malay Colonial Identity

The authority of the Malay colonial identity in the writings of Francis Light was based upon the perceived authority and knowledge he had upon the Malays. During his time, he was amongst the earliest to arrive in the Malay Archipelago and established himself. He knew the Malay and Siamese languages, lived like a Malay man in Tanjong Salang, and married a local woman, Martina Rozells.

He arrived in 1763, on the Olive and began as a Country Trader.

This could be seen in his letters that are written in the Malay-Jawi Script

He was also learned in Siamese.

Tanjong Salang is the Malay name for Phuket. Tanjong Salang was originally under the Malay people, however the settlements and invasion of the Siamese had named it Phuket, therefore, Tanjong Salang was still partially ruled by Malays who had Siamese names. The governor of Tanjung Salang or Junk Ceylon was “like all Malay princes and chief merchants.

The ruling family was Ban Thakhian. A blended family of Siam and Malay descendents. The contemporary ruling Governor was Phya Phimon. Lady Chan is Phya Phimon’s wife and widow, Francis Light and her relationship is political and trade. Lady Chan was in correspondence with Francis Light after the death of Pia Phimon was Lady Chan is Thai- Malay.

He lived like a Malay in Junk Ceylon but adhered to his Christian faith in 1765–1785.

When Francis Light was a British Country Trader based in Junk Ceylon he had intervals of staying at other places within the region, Kuala Kedah (1771) etc. living mainly amongst the Malays, speaking their language, adapting himself to their ways, and being learned in Siamese” as a means to survive.

He married Martina Rozells. Martina Rozells is a Roman Catholic Eurasian of Portuguese, French and Siamese descent in Junk Ceylon, consequently, their matrimonial union was not recognised by the Anglican church, his employers and the British in general; due to them being in different sects of Christianity, therefore, in his will, she was written as the woman who he “had cohabited with since 1772” to 1794, and their children were recorded as “her (Martina Rozells) children despite them carrying his surname.

Martina Rozells was also known as Martinha Thong Di and Martinha Thong Di Khoo. Her Malay title is ‘‘Nona.”

Martina Rozells died in 1822.

All five children of Francis Light and Martina Rozells carried his surname but was willed as “her children.”

Intimacy and the Construction of Malay Colonial Identity

He had various natures of relationships with the Malay people of different hierarchies; from trade relations, diplomatic relations, fighting their wars, warring against them, friendships, inviting Malays to reside in Penang, governing the Malays, administrating justice, hiring the Malays for work, and owning Malay debt-slaves. therefore knowing them intimately.

Francis Light (1740–1794) often traded with the Malays; he was a Country Trader based in Tanjung Salang, his trade with the Governor of Tanjong Salang, Lady Chan, and it’s people.

He had received rice from the King of Kedah.

He had contracted Malays to bring Neebons for the stockade at dollars 6 per hundred 12 feet long each.

Francis Light (1740–1794) was offered a position by the Sultan Ibrahim (1778–1826) from Selangor had sought assistance from Francis Light to hoist the British flag in Selangor and a British resident in Selangor, specifically either Francis Light, James Scott, or Thomas Forrest in Kuala Selangor.

Provisions were bought from Kedah.

Due to the war between Pattani with Siam, the Sultan of Kedah had sought Francis Light to take the people of Pattani to migrate to Penang.

There were Kedahans who migrated to Penang.

The ruling family was Ban Thakhian. A blended family of Siam and Malay descendents. The contemporary ruling Governor was Phya Phimon. Lady Chan is Phya Phimon’s wife and widow, Francis Light and her relationship is political and trade. Lady Chan was in correspondence with Francis Light after the death of Pia Phimon.

In 1771, Sultan Muhammad Jiwa Zainal Adilin II (1710–1778) the Sultan of Kedah sought help from Light (1740–1794) against the Bugis of Selangor and his family members from razing Alor Setar due to an unsettled agreement made a few years prior. In the same year (1771), Kota Kuala Kedah was captured by the Bugis. However, Francis Light recaptured Kota Kuala Kedah for and used it as his base in the East, in return Francis Light (1740–1794) promised to protect Kedah from any attacks that might take place from the Kedah River estuary.

In 1791, the Francis Light warred with Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Shah (r. 1778– 1797) due to his deception of promising to help Sultan Muhammad Jiwa Zainal Adilin II (1710–1778) against any attacks, a promise he did not intend to keep. And they fought at the Prye River (Sungai Prai).

Pia Phimon, the Governor of Thalang, was a man of the South, not born in Thalang, was probably a Malay man who was a member by marriage of the most important local ruling families – Ban Thakhian, the family of Lady Chan. However, tension between the local rulers of Thalang and the Bangkok administration and officers was a normal feature in Thalang politics.

The ruling family was Ban Thakhian. A blended family of Siam and Malay descendents. The contemporary ruling Governor was Phya Phimon.

Lady Chan is a Thai – Malay woman whose family was Ban Thakhian, the ruling family of Tanjung Salang. It is also a blended family of Siam and Malay descendents. The contemporary ruling Governor was Phya Phimon. Lady Chan is Phya Phimon’s wife and widow,

The nature of relationship between Lady Chan and Francis Light is political and trade. Lady Chan was in correspondence with Francis Light after the death of Pia Phimon as the death of Pia Pimons (d. 1785) had left his seat vacant, thus upon the trust that his widow had towards Francis Light, she offered him to assume her late husband’s position as Governor of Junk Ceylon through an official correspondence but Francis Light politely declined. It was at this time that the Dutch proved to be a much formidable enemy compared to Siam.

Francis Light writes positively on Tengku Jiwa.

Syed Hussain and Syed Juffer from Acheh are elite merchants from Acheh were invited by Francis Light (1740–1794) to migrate and settle in Penang Island, they brought his household, was the richest man in Penang and became chief judge for the Malays.

Lebuh Acheh is named after him. Lebuh Acheh was also known as the second Jeddah prior to the establishment of Tabung Haji as Hajj pilgrims in the Malay lands would depart from Lebuh Acheh to their Hajj destination.

Francis Light (1740–1794) was the first Superintendent, 1786–1794, of Penang who had Malay residents.

Letter from Dato’ Bayan to Francis Light (MS40320/1 folio 1) regarding his debt to Lebai Abdul Latif.

Letter from Dato’ Bayan to Francis Light (MS40320/1 folio 1) regarding his debt to Lebai Abdul Latif Light Letters [MS40320/1 folio 1 “[Surat Dato’ Bayan kepada Francis Light tentang hutangnya kepada Lebai Abdul Latif]. Light Letters [MS40320/1 folio 1]. Image provided by SOAS University of London.” “[Surat Dato’ Bayan kepada Francis Light tentang hutangnya kepada Lebai Abdul Latif (Ahad, 7 Zulkaedah 1207 Tahun2 Ha / 16 Jun 1793) Light Letters [MS40320/1 folio 1]. Image provided by SOAS University of London.” “[Surat ikrar Francis Light kepada Cik Abdul Manaf berkaitan pelantikannya sebagai Kapitan Melayu Pulau Pinang (Ahad, 7 Zulkaedah 1207 Tahun2 Ha / 16 Jun 1793)]. Light Letters [MS40320/1 folio 1]. Transliteration provided by Centre for Policy Research and International Studies (CenPRIS). Universiti Sains Malaysia.” “[Surat ikrar Francis Light kepada Cik Abdul Manaf berkaitan pelantikannya sebagai Kapitan Melayu Pulau Pinang (Ahad, 7 Zulkaedah 1207 Tahun2 Ha / 16 Jun 1793)]. Light Letters [MS40320/1 folio 1]. Descriptive Metadata provided by Perpustakaan Universiti Sains Malaysia.”

Clearing the jungle and landings on Penang Island.

On the contrary, according to Francis Light’s will, he had Malays Bonds (Slaves) and Batta slaves. He is a man who governs the free Malays and enslaved Malays and having political and economic trade associations with them.

Upon his death, all bond-slaves could purchase their freedom at Spanish Dollars 50, but not Esan, she was to remain by Martina Rozzell’s side.

Francis Light’s Self-Representation and Moral Character

Francis Light (1740–1794) had always identified himself as an English man significant in his house named Suffolk.

The Surface & Social Demeanor of Francis Light.

While living in Junk Ceylon as a country trader, Francis Light was known as a happy personality; having good knowledge in colloquial Malay and Siam; assimilating into local Malay way of life of Junk Ceylon and his popularity with most of the various social classes in Junk Ceylon. He survived by adapting to the local culture and had good relations with Pia Pimon and Lady Chan, the Governing family who are both of Malay and Siamese extraction and identity. He enjoyed acceptance in Tanjung Salang while living as a Malay but adhered to his Christian faith in 1765–1785. This reflects that Francis Light is resourceful, perseveres through adversity, and is adaptable.

While in Tanjung Salang Francis Light showcased an “excellent character” and was in “the highest esteem of the Malay, Siam, and Pegu chiefs.”

He was highly respected by local chiefs (Pia Phimon, Lady Chan) and conferred the Siamese nobility title Phraya Raja-Capitan, “Phyaratchakapitan” by King Taksin in 1778.

Francis Light was driven by an innate desire to climb the British upper-class social ladder (a status denied to him in England due to his birth circumstances) and he joined the Freemasons. He carried an air of self-grandiosity, viewing himself as equal to Malay royalty before the settlement, and superior to them after.

Observable Actions & Historical Facts of Francis Light.

Francis Light turned down Lady Chan’s invitation to be Governor of Tanjung Salang because it did not fulfill his goal of establishing a British settlement under his own command.

Lied to both parties during the Penang acquisition—promising military protection to the Sultan of Kedah against foreign invasion (which he could not guarantee) while telling the Bengal Government that Kedah ceded the island freely out of personal influence.

He protected his family by writing a detailed will for Martina Rozells and his children; showed compassion to debtors based on financial standing; the freedom to all his bond-slaves except Esan; urged the EIC not to overtax Penang settlers.

  1. Francis Light sought financial safety of his family. Exhibited when Francis Light (1740–1794) wrote a will just before his death to ascertain Martina Rozells, and their children was to be taken care of.
  2. On the contrary, Francis Light submitted to the Anglican Church ruling that his union with Martina Rozells (d. 1822) was not recognised, however, took on the responsibility and actions to ensure the mother of his children and children was financially secure.
  3. He was also compassionate towards those in debt towards him. In Francis Light’s will, Francis Light sought his debtors to pay their dues to Martina Rozells, depending on their current circumstances.
  4. He wrote in his will that all the bond-slaves were able to purchase their freedom with Spanish Dollars 50 per head, except Esan who was to be with Martina Rozells.
  5. He had sought EIC not to thrust tax upon the settlers of  Penang Island as it was still in infancy.

Francis Light wrote arrogant and suspicious letters to British authorities (e.g., Lord Cornwallis in 1788) disparaging Malay rulers and Dutch presence while claiming the Malays were ungrateful for British forbearance.

i. He (1740–1794) exhibited a tendency to speak disparagingly about the Kedahan Sultans upon settling in Penang, displaying arrogance in his writings.

ii. He accused the Malays and the Dutch of looking down on the British yet astonished by the greatness of the British while failing to express gratitude for their survival; paradoxically, he enjoyed acceptance in Tanjung Salang while living as a Malay.

“The People of Holland are ignorant of their great Obligations to the English, in forbearing to assist or countenance their Enemies at a time when their Settlements were so eakly guarded that the smallest exertion on our part would have occasioned their destruction, it is acknowledged by themselves that had so small a Force as two Hundred Men joined the Malays at Rheo. Malacca would have been lost, and Batavia in the greatest danger, all their Allies would have deserted them, and they must have fallen a sacrifice before assistance could arrive from Europe. The Malays are no less astonished than the Dutch at our tamely submitting Some every Port of Commerce to be taken and shut up from all communication.” Francis Light. “Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 20 June 1788.” Communicated by C. E. Wurtzburg. JMBRAS. No. XVI, Part 1. July 1938.

Internal Drives & Psychological Traits

Francis Light is highly capable of surviving through adversity by blending into local cultures, yet quick to pivot from a modest “rest and repair stop” into a permanent colonial power base when imperial opportunities arose.

He lived like a Malay, yet remained a Christian in Tanjung Salang and upon settling in Penang, he turned a British Settlement into a capitalist state.

Francis Light (1740–1794) first sent the proposal for a British settlement on Penang, likewise, the East India Company wanted “to ensure British contact with the indigenous traders of the Malay Archipelago and to provide a base to disseminate British influence to Borneo and Indonesian islands.”

The initial reason for a settlement on Penang Island was to be a convenient magazine (to store military equipment), a potential shipbuilding centre and the British required a suitable port of refreshment and repair along the trade route of China to which became a British settlement. This raises the question why would the British require a warehouse for weapons in the Malay Archipelago to conduct trade with China.

Penang was also made a settlement for trade to China, therefore, Francis Light was directed by the East India Company to grow greens, grains, and fruit for the East India Company settlement and refreshment for ships to China. According to Tregonning, British settlement in Penang in 1786 was because the British wanted to trade with the Chinese. Due to the European Industrial age in the 18th century, European markets had replaced the Chinese as the major market for tin which led to the monopoly of tin by the Malays in the Malay States was taken over by the Chinese.

Upon ceding the island on behalf of the East India Company and settling, the reasons changed into commerce, capitalism and power — i. For a good and convenient harbour; ii. To get into the spice trade, iii. A naval strategy and iv. To stem the growing Dutch power in the Malay Peninsula.

 Played a double game between the East India Company (EIC) and local Malay rulers, using misdirection and false promises of protection to secure territory.

Capable of genuine kindness and devotion toward his loved ones (family, debtors, settlers), yet cold, harsh, and unkind toward foreign entities or rulers who no longer served his purpose (as noted by Frank Swettenham).

Frank Swettenham (1850–1946) had written that Francis Light (1740–1794) was unkind towards the King of Kedah.

Ethical Framework & Intentions of Francis Light.

Francis Light believed in the inherent necessity of spreading British influence across the Malay Archipelago, displaying arrogance once in power and viewing local states through an imperial lens.

Francis Light first sent the proposal for a British settlement on Penang, likewise, the East India Company wanted “to ensure British contact with the indigenous traders of the Malay Archipelago and to provide a base to disseminate British influence to Borneo and Indonesian islands.”  And to stem the growing Dutch power in the Malay Peninsula.

Francis Light framed the expansion of British power as a legitimate response to an “invitation” or “request for protection” by local heads, masking a calculated territorial grab under the guise of benevolence.

Francis Light exhibited high personal loyalty toward his domestic circle (defying Georgian social norms to care for his non-sanctioned marriage/family) while operating with compromised, manipulative ethics (specifically deceit and treachery) in his geopolitical dealings.

The Duality of francis Light

On the surface, Francis Light (1740–1794) cultivated a charming, culturally fluent, and highly adaptable personality. During his years as a country trader in Junk Ceylon, his fluency in Malay and Siamese, combined with his willingness to assimilate into local customs, earned him widespread popularity across social classes and the Siamese title of Phraya Raja-Capitan. Yet, this amiable exterior masked a deeply ambitious character shaped by the circumstances of his birth. Denied entry into the British upper-class society at home, Light’s personal ambitions drove him to seek status through empire-building. This inner ambition was made clear by his behavior: he rejected local invitations to govern Tanjung Salang, choosing instead to pivot a proposed naval “rest and repair stop” on Penang Island into a permanent British settlement that he could command.

Light’s rise, however, exposed a profoundly duplicitous character and a willingness to engage in Machiavellian diplomacy. To secure Penang, his behavior turned deceitful; he falsely promised the Sultan of Kedah military protection against foreign threats while convincing the East India Company that the island was ceded purely through his personal influence. Once established as Superintendent, his demeanor shifted toward self-grandiosity and arrogance. In his correspondence with British officials, he spoke disparagingly of local rulers and exhibited a suspicious, accusatory tone toward the Malays, claiming they lacked gratitude for British presence. As colonial administrator Frank Swettenham later observed, Light’s proceedings were marked by undeniable unkindness toward the King of Kedah.

Ultimately, Light’s morality was defined by a complex duality. On a personal level, he demonstrated compassion, protecting his debtors, advocating against heavy taxation on settlers, and defying rigid Georgian societal norms to ensure the financial security of his partner, Martina Rozells, and their children. Geopolitically, however, his ethical framework was compromised by cultural chauvinism and imperial opportunism. By framing British expansion as a benevolent response to an “invitation” for protection from local heads, Light relied on a self-serving revisionism. He masked calculated territorial expansion and the dissemination of British influence behind a facade of diplomatic assistance, embodying the classic imperial paradigm where personal ambition and national interest override moral obligation.

Miscellaneous

The East India Company was developed when a group of London-based merchants pooled their capital in 1599 and formed a company to tap into the potential wealth founded on the spices in the Eastern Isles. The East India Company was first known as the “Governor and Company of Merchants of London Trading into the East-Indies,” incorporated on 31 December 1600 and granted a royal charter by Queen Elizabeth 1.

In 1698, the English Trading Company and the Company merged and became the United Company of Merchants Trading to the East Indies, which was also known as the Honourable East India Company and also as John Company. By the end of the eighteenth century, the East India Company emerged as the sole survivor of the private international trading companies formed early in the seventeenth century to trade in the East Indies.

The British parliament’s Government of India Act of 1833 abolished East India Company’s trade monopoly with China as of 22 April 1834. In 1834, the commercial operations were brought to an end and on 2 August 1858 the company had its final abolition with the passing of the Government of India Act.

There was a settlement in Andaman Island but it did not prosper, 1791–1796.

Francis Light wanted Tanjong Salang or Phuket to be a British settlement but it was rejected by Sir John Macpherson due to financial constraints.

Junk Ceylon is the English corruption of Tanjong Salang. Tanjung Salang had been an unsuccessful French colony in 1677, under M. Cherboneau. However, during the time of Francis Light, Junk Ceylon had become an emporium where the Bugis from Celebes came to barter their varied cargos, “Bugges Cambays,” Java cloth, Java gongs and lotahs, tobacco and porcelain, in exchange for native tin.

In Siam, The British exchanged Opium and Indian textiles for tin, rice, pepper, and gold dust.

Francis Light did have correspondence with King Taksin to assist in the capture of Mergui on behalf of Siam, and upon capture, Mergui would be given to the English, yet this correspondence stayed stunted in epistolary.

Lebuh Acheh in Penang was also known as the second Jeddah prior to the
establishment of Tabung Haji as Hajj pilgrims in the Malay lands would depart from Lebuh Acheh to their Hajj destination.

Francis Light became a Freemason member while in India.

In India Francis Light was initiated as a second-generation Freemason, therefore the first Freemason member to set foot in Penang.

Sources for Biography

A. F. Steuart. A Short Sketch of the Lives of Francis and William Light.

A. M. Skinner, Memoir of Captain Francis Light, Who Founded Penang: Died October 21st 1794.

Charles Edward Wurtzburg. Raffles of the Eastern Isles. Edited for publication by Clifford Witting. Singapore: Oxford University Press. 1984.

David Kenneth Basset, “Anglo-Malay Relations, 1785-1795.” JMBRAS 38 (1965).

Dato Bayan. Letter from Dato’ Bayan to Francis Light (MS40320/1 folio 1) regarding his debt to Lebai Abdul Latif Light Letters [MS40320/1 folio 1 “[Surat Dato’ Bayan kepada Francis Light tentang hutangnya kepada Lebai Abdul Latif]. Light Letters [MS40320/1 folio 1]. Image provided by SOAS University of London.” “[Surat Dato’ Bayan kepada Francis Light tentang hutangnya kepada Lebai Abdul Latif (Ahad, 7 Zulkaedah 1207 Tahun2 Ha / 16 Jun 1793) Light Letters [MS40320/1 folio 1]. Image provided by SOAS University of London.” “[Surat ikrar Francis Light kepada Cik Abdul Manaf berkaitan pelantikannya sebagai Kapitan Melayu Pulau Pinang (Ahad, 7 Zulkaedah 1207 Tahun2 Ha / 16 Jun 1793)]. Light Letters [MS40320/1 folio 1]. Transliteration provided by Centre for Policy Research and International Studies (CenPRIS). Universiti Sains Malaysia.” “[Surat ikrar Francis Light kepada Cik Abdul Manaf berkaitan pelantikannya sebagai Kapitan Melayu Pulau Pinang (Ahad, 7 Zulkaedah 1207 Tahun2 Ha / 16 Jun 1793)]. Light Letters [MS40320/1 folio 1]. Descriptive Metadata provided by Perpustakaan Universiti Sains Malaysia.”

E. H. S. Simmonds, “The Thalang Letters, 1773–94: Political Aspects and the Trade in Arms”, in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 26, No. 3 (1963).

E. H. S. Simmonds. “Francis Light and The Ladies of Thalang.” JMBRAS 38, no. 2 (208) (1965): 213–28. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41492223.

Elish Trappaud. A Short Account of the Prince of Wales’ Island or Pulo Peenang, in the East Indies Given to Captain Light by the King of Quedah. London: John Stockdale.

Francis Light. Francis Light’s Diary, 1786.

Francis Light. Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 10 January 1788.

Francis Light. Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 20th June 1788.

Francis Light. Letter from Francis Light to Governor Fort Cornwallis, dated 24 August 1792.

Frank Swettenham. An Account of the Origin and Progress of Siamese Influence in the Malay Peninsula, 1785 to 1882. London: The Colonial Office.1882.

H. P. Clodd. Malaya’s First British Pioneer: The Life of Francis Light.

James Low. “An Account of the Origin and Progress of the British Colonies in the Straits of Malacca.” The Journal of the Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia. Vol. iii. No. X, October 1849.

James Scott. Ed by K. J. Fielding. “The Settlement of Penang.” Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. No. XXVIII Part 1, March 1955.

John Crawfud “Siam Embassy.”

John Bastin. “Francis Light and the Malay Princess.” Malaya in History: The Magazine of the Malayan Historical Society. Vol. VIII no. 2. April 1964. Malayan Historical Society: Kuala Lumpur.

Kachorn Sukhabanij, “Siamese Documents concerning Captain Francis Light”, in K. G. Tregonning, ed., Papers on Malayan History (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1962), Pp. 1–9.

K.J. Fielding. “The Settlement of Penang: By James Scott.” JMBRAS 28, no. 1 (169) (1955): 37–51. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41503167. Quoted in C. A. Gibson-Hill in litt.

Marcus Langdon. Penang: The Fourth Presidency of India 1805–1830, Volume One: Ships, Men, and Mansions.

Russell Jones. “Two Malay Letters Written by Sultan Muhammad Jiwa Muazzam Syah of Kedah to Captain Francis Light.” International Conference of Malay Studies regarding Malay Language, Literature, and Culture, 8 to 10 September 1979 at Universiti Malaya, Kuala Lumpur.

Salma Nasution. “Exploring Shared History, Preserving Shared Heritage: Penang’s Links to a Siamese Past,” Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. 100, 2012.

“Siamese Documents concerning Captain Francis Light”, in K. G. Tregonning, ed., Papers on Malayan History (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1962), Pp. 1–9.

Sivachandralingam. “Perdagangan di Kepulauan Melayu: Peranan dan Sumbangan Francis Light dan Stamford Raffles.”

Sivachandralingam. “Perdagangan di Kepulauan Melayu: Peranan dan Sumbangan Francis Light dan Stamford Raffles.” P. 2. Taken from Sultan Ibrahim kepada McPherson, June, 1785, Straits Settlements Records (Indian Office Library), Vol 3, f.9.

The Leisure Hour: A Family Journal of Instruction and Recreation. No. 514. October 31, 1861. Pepper in Penang State During 19th Century.

Tregonning, K. G. “Straits Tin: A Brief Account of the First Seventy-Five Years of The Straits Trading Company, Limited.” JMBRAS 36, no. 1 (201) (1963): 79–152. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41505524 .

Tregonning, K.G. “The Early Land Administration and Agricultural Development of Penang.” JMBRAS 39, no. 2 (210) (1966): 34 – 49. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41491895. P. 34. Cited from SSFR Vol 1 Bengal to Light 2 May 1786.

Wazir Jahan Karim. “The ‘Discovery’ of Penang Island at Tanjong Tokong before 1785: Bapu Alaidin Meera Hussein Lebai and Captain Francis Light.” JMBRAS 86, no. 1 (304) (2013): 1–29. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24894161 . P. 7.

http://neptunelodge.com/History/Entries/2008/9/12_Freemasons_Halls_in_Penang.html

the Timeline of Francis Light

The following dates are the timeline of Francis Light.

Born to Mary Light (1721–1791), an unmarried common woman, his paternity was never definitively established, and his socio-economic standing was limited by his illegitimate birth.

His birthdate was unrecorded and was baptised on the 15th December 1740 at Dallinghoo, Suffolk, England as a Protestant Christian.

Francis Light was adopted by William Negus in 1747 which facilitated his education at Seckford’s Grammar School at Woodbridge under Rev. Thomas Ray.

Not much was known about the life of Light in England due to lack of records.

British Navy (1759–1763) as a midshipman.  His first known employer was the Royal Navy, Great Britain Government (1759–1763).

Francis Light entered the Royal Navy at nineteen years old in 1759, during the late stages of the Seven Years War (1756–1763).

The Seven Years War (1756–1763) was primarily a war between Great Britain and France to control colonies.

He had served as a midshipman in H. M. S. Captain after a few months he was transferred to be a midshipman for the H.M.S. Dragon before he became a midshipman on board the H. M. S. Arrogant, in 1761.

British Navy (1759–1763) as a midshipman.  His first known employer was the Royal Navy, Great Britain Government (1759–1763).

Francis Light entered the Royal Navy at nineteen years old in 1759, during the late stages of the Seven Years War (1756–1763).

The Seven Years War (1756–1763) was primarily a war between Great Britain and France to control colonies.

He had served as a midshipman in H. M. S. Captain after a few months he was transferred to be a midshipman for the H.M.S. Dragon before he became a midshipman on board the H. M. S. Arrogant, in 1761.

British Navy (1759–1763) as a midshipman.  His first known employer was the Royal Navy, Great Britain Government (1759–1763).

Francis Light entered the Royal Navy at nineteen years old in 1759, during the late stages of the Seven Years War (1756–1763).

The Seven Years War (1756–1763) was primarily a war between Great Britain and France to control colonies.

He had served as a midshipman in H. M. S. Captain after a few months he was transferred to be a midshipman for the H.M.S. Dragon before he became a midshipman on board the H. M. S. Arrogant, in 1761.

Francis Light then met James Scott in the Navy in 1761–3. On the H.M.S. Arrogant James Scott and Francis Light were shipmates. Francis Light and James Scott had become very familiar with the nations, customs and political characters in the East Indies.

British Navy (1759–1763) as a midshipman.  His first known employer was the Royal Navy, Great Britain Government (1759–1763).

Francis Light entered the Royal Navy at nineteen years old in 1759, during the late stages of the Seven Years War (1756–1763).

The Seven Years War (1756–1763) was primarily a war between Great Britain and France to control colonies.

He had served as a midshipman in H. M. S. Captain after a few months he was transferred to be a midshipman for the H.M.S. Dragon before he became a midshipman on board the H. M. S. Arrogant, in 1761.

Francis Light then met James Scott in the Navy in 1761–3. On the H.M.S. Arrogant James Scott and Francis Light were shipmates. Francis Light and James Scott had become very familiar with the nations, customs and political characters in the East Indies.

British Navy (1759–1763) as a midshipman.  His first known employer was the Royal Navy, Great Britain Government (1759–1763).

Francis Light entered the Royal Navy at nineteen years old in 1759, during the late stages of the Seven Years War (1756–1763).

The Seven Years War (1756–1763) was primarily a war between Great Britain and France to control colonies.

He had served as a midshipman in H. M. S. Captain after a few months he was transferred to be a midshipman for the H.M.S. Dragon before he became a midshipman on board the H. M. S. Arrogant, in 1761.

Francis Light then met James Scott in the Navy in 1761–3. On the H.M.S. Arrogant James Scott and Francis Light were shipmates. Francis Light and James Scott had become very familiar with the nations, customs and political characters in the East Indies.

Light left in 1763 as peace had been achieved.

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Francis Light was a Madras-based Country Trader. His employer was Jourdain, Sullivan and De Souza. King Charles II had instructed country traders to leave the Asian waters due to England’s civil war in 1657 but the Country Traders defied the order, this has resulted into temporary disrupted activities of the East India Company.

In the eighteenth century, the East India Company began to recognise the value of private traders. Many country traders conducted privately under the aegis of the East India Company, these country traders were either the British India Company’s officials or operating under licence, and this occurred when the importance of the China trade began. Hence, there was a need for a transit port by the East India Company between India and China.

The shipping firm Jourdain, Sullivan & De Souza was licensed by the British East India Company to conduct local trading in the Eastern Archipelago. The ship Francis Light went on to go to the East was Olive.

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Francis Light was a Madras-based Country Trader. His employer was Jourdain, Sullivan and De Souza. King Charles II had instructed country traders to leave the Asian waters due to England’s civil war in 1657 but the Country Traders defied the order, this has resulted into temporary disrupted activities of the East India Company.

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Francis Light was a Madras-based Country Trader. His employer was Jourdain, Sullivan and De Souza. King Charles II had instructed country traders to leave the Asian waters due to England’s civil war in 1657 but the Country Traders defied the order, this has resulted into temporary disrupted activities of the East India Company.

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Francis Light was a Madras-based Country Trader. His employer was Jourdain, Sullivan and De Souza. King Charles II had instructed country traders to leave the Asian waters due to England’s civil war in 1657 but the Country Traders defied the order, this has resulted into temporary disrupted activities of the East India Company.

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Francis Light was a Madras-based Country Trader. His employer was Jourdain, Sullivan and De Souza. King Charles II had instructed country traders to leave the Asian waters due to England’s civil war in 1657 but the Country Traders defied the order, this has resulted into temporary disrupted activities of the East India Company.

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Francis Light was a Madras-based Country Trader. His employer was Jourdain, Sullivan and De Souza. King Charles II had instructed country traders to leave the Asian waters due to England’s civil war in 1657 but the Country Traders defied the order, this has resulted into temporary disrupted activities of the East India Company.

Country Trader (1765–1786). His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Francis Light was a Madras-based Country Trader. His employer was Jourdain, Sullivan and De Souza. King Charles II had instructed country traders to leave the Asian waters due to England’s civil war in 1657 but the Country Traders defied the order, this has resulted into temporary disrupted activities of the East India Company.

In 1771, Sultan Muhammad Jiwa Zainal Adilin II (1710–1778) the Sultan of Kedah sought help from Light (1740–1794) against the Bugis of Selangor and his family members from razing Alor Setar due to an unsettled agreement made a few years prior. In the same year (1771), Kota Kuala Kedah was captured by the Bugis. However, Francis Light recaptured Kota Kuala Kedah for and used it as his base in the East, in return Francis Light (1740–1794) promised to protect Kedah from any attacks that might take place from the Kedah River estuary.

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Francis Light was a Madras-based Country Trader. His employer was Jourdain, Sullivan and De Souza. King Charles II had instructed country traders to leave the Asian waters due to England’s civil war in 1657 but the Country Traders defied the order, this has resulted into temporary disrupted activities of the East India Company.

He wrote a letter to Lord Cornwallis for a British Settlement.

In 1772, Francis Light (1740–1794) met Martina Rozells.

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Francis Light was a Madras-based Country Trader. His employer was Jourdain, Sullivan and De Souza. King Charles II had instructed country traders to leave the Asian waters due to England’s civil war in 1657 but the Country Traders defied the order, this has resulted into temporary disrupted activities of the East India Company.

On the 2nd June 1773, William Negus of Melton died at the age of 60 years old. Francis Light received inheritance from William Negus in the form of “wages sum and sum of money, lands, tenements, goods, chattels, and estates whatsoever.”

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Francis Light resided in Tanjung Salang. Sarah Light (October 1779–24 July 1839) was born.

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Francis Light resided in Tanjung Salang. Mary Light (1783 – 1844) was born.

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

William Light (1784–1839) who is known as the founder of Adelaide in Australia was born.

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Francis Light resided in Tanjung Salang. The death of Pia Pimons (d. 1785), the Governor of the Island of Junk Ceylon (Salang).

Country Trader (1765–1786) in Tanjong Salang. His second employer Jourdain Sullivan and Desouza (1765–1786).

Francis Light took hold of Penang on the 17 July 1786 and arrived at Point Penanga or Fort Cornwallis.

The Superintendent of Penang (1786–1794), and chief trader in Penang (1786–1794). Payroll under the East India Company (1786–1794). 1000 Rupees per month.

On the 2nd March 1786, the East India Company had selected Francis Light to be charged with the responsibility of superintending Penang Island due to his knowledge in the Malay language and his popularity with the Malay chiefs. [The East India company records “the original Commission in his [Francis Light’s] favour ran which resolved in consideration of the Board’s favourable opinion of Captain Francis Light, his knowledge of the Malay language, and the high esteem in which he stands with the King of Cudda [Kedah] and many other chiefs, that he be vested with the charge and superintendence of the Island of Penang on the part of the [East India] Company, until their pleasure be known or until further orders, and that he be furnished with a proper Commission as Commander of the Island and Harbour of Pinang.” A. Francis Steuart. A Short Sketch of the Lives of Francis and William Light. Pp. 9–10.

Though Francis Light was the main trader and was the person in power in Penang, unfortunately, he didn’t make much money. According to Skinner, Francis Light felt that he should not be trading but focusing on Pinang, with an increase of salary and the ability to have some money for retirement A. Francis Steuart. A Short Sketch of the Lives of Francis and William Light. P. 28. Taken from A.M. Skinner. Memoir of Francis Light.

Francis Light sought an increase in pay for EIC.

The Superintendent of Penang (1786–1794), and chief trader in Penang (1786–1794). Payroll under the East India Company (1786–1794). 1000 Rupees per month.

The Superintendent of Penang (1786–1794), and chief trader in Penang (1786–1794). Payroll under the East India Company (1786–1794). 1000 Rupees per month.

The Superintendent of Penang (1786–1794), and chief trader in Penang (1786–1794). Payroll under the East India Company (1786–1794). 1000 Rupees per month.

The Superintendent of Penang (1786–1794), and chief trader in Penang (1786–1794). Payroll under the East India Company (1786–1794). 1000 Rupees per month.

The Pepper vine from Sumatra was brought to Penang in 1790 under Francis Light’s superintendent, by Mr. Chey-Key.

The Superintendent of Penang (1786–1794), and chief trader in Penang (1786–1794). Payroll under the East India Company (1786–1794). 1000 Rupees per month.

12 & 16 April 1791.The Sungai Perai War between the Sultan of Kedah and Francis Light.

400 men (Light) vs 8000 Malays. Light won

The birth of Francis Lanoon Light.

The Superintendent of Penang (1786–1794), and chief trader in Penang (1786–1794). Payroll under the East India Company (1786–1794). 1000 Rupees per month.

24 August 1792, tin was discovered at Bukit Timah and a nutmeg tree was discovered too.

The Superintendent of Penang (1786–1794), and chief trader in Penang (1786–1794). Payroll under the East India Company (1786–1794). 1000 Rupees per month.

Ann “Lukey” Light was born.

The Superintendent of Penang (1786–1794), and chief trader in Penang (1786–1794). Payroll under the East India Company (1786–1794). 1000 Rupees per month.

25th January 1794 he sought for a civil assistant to be trained to take his place “a regular form of administering justice is necessary both for the peace and welfare of the society and for the honour of the nation who have granted protection…” in event of his death

20 October 1794 wrote his will

21 October Francis Light died.

Malay colonial identity of Francis Light

This section examines how Francis Light portrayed the Malays in his writings, identifying the recurring descriptions, assumptions, and themes that shaped his representations.

Historical Context of the Malay colonial identity

During the 18th century, the life of the Malay State of Kedah was a mixture of Malay Muslim maritime and agrarian culture, with internal struggles related to the succession of the Sultanship and attacks from external forces.

The social structure was filled with hierarchy with the political institution of Kedah being the Sultan, who administered justice and ruled the kingdom. Below the Sultan was the Royal family and aristocrats, then the military officers, commonfolk of various professions and at the bottom of the social hierarchy was the slaves.

The ruling class consisted of high officials that serve the government, being the people of the court and high officials in the military who were also merchants in the trading network of the Malays. The Sultan’s palace was the center of urban living and the agricultural areas were in the villages and hamlets.

Food security was strong due to the abundance of natural sources due to Kedah being on the Equator line. Other sources of revenue were trading, iron smelting, mining, fishing, agriculture, and natural resources from the jungle.

The worldview of the Malays is the Muslim worldview and they belonged to the Muslim civilization which the Malay culture is instituted upon.

On the other hand, in Gregorian England, life was a struggle for the working class whose life was marred with tragedy yet it was a stark difference for those in higher social classes.

The economy was an agrarian which was shifting into becoming industrial. Therefore, this led to an expansion of the British Empire due to the need and want of more natural sources and new marketplaces to sell their goods and merchandise.

The English life was much intertwined with Christianity, yet the people were entering the Age of Reason yet social construct was restricting where there were limited opportunities to thrive in life specifically for the peasantry and slaves, and socially deviant individuals were treated as subalterns.

The worldview of that time was the Graeco-Roman worldview, with a mix of Gregorian spirit and Eurocentrism perspective.

Francis Light (1740–1794) belonged to the working-class peasantry and to add further to his suffering, he was a child out of wedlock, which could have made him felt inferior; therefore, with limited opportunity to survive and the lack of life improvement opportunities, he joined the Royal Navy, Great Britain, where he took to the East.

Prior to the coming of Francis Light to Penang Island, he once lived in Tanjong Salang and Kuala Kedah where customs and influences was predominantly Malays.

Most of his writing corpus pertaining the Malays are after the building the British Settlement in Penang where he was in power and held power over people of various race and creed and had the authority to voice his opinions.

The ascension of Sultan Muhammad Mukaram Shah (r. 1778–1797) was in contention with some members of the Royal family of Kedah. After a failed attempt to coax the commonfolk of Alor Setar into rebellion, the city was burnt. Letter from Francis Light to Governor-General.

Siam and Holland tried to capture Kedah.

Malay colonial identity – Personalities

The specific royals in discussion are two Kedah Kings; Sultan Muhammad Jiwa Zainal Adilin II (1710–1778) and Sultan Abdullah Mukkarram Syah ibn bin Sultan Muhammad Jiwa (r. 1778–1797). He portrayed friendly relations with them, until he managed to acquire Penang Island by deceit, then he began writing negatively about them as their main use has expired. The ministers of the King of Kedah are also written negatively. However, he writes positively of Tengku Jiwa, a Kedahan Royal member and Pia Pimon, the Malay Chief of Junk Ceylon as they assisted him in reach his personal and professional agendas.

Francis Light (1740–1794) depicted Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Shah (r. 1778– 1797) negatively after he had illegally built a British settlement on Kesatu Island (Penang).

Prior to that, he wrote to the Bengal Government that he received the island due to personal influence, which has proven to be not the truth.

Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Shah (r. 1778–1797) is written as “a child out of wedlock to a slave girl,” to which is a projection of the circumstances of birth of Francis Light (1740–1794), who was born to a common possibly unwedded peasant girl, Mary Light;

Francis Light could have held envy and resentment towards Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Shah (r. 1778–1797) because he had ascended to the throne to the Sultanate of Kedah Darul Aman, one of the oldest Royal houses in the world, while in contrast, he had limited life opportunities back in Suffolk, where he could not obtain a formal education without being adopted into the Negus Family.

The ascension to the throne was not without scandal and betrayal. Though Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Shah (r. 1778–1797) was the natural son to Mahomed Teva (r. 1710–1778), the other male heirs who were in line to the Sultanship of Kedah felt slighted by his ascension as they felt they had better birthrights to claim to the Sultanship compared to him because he was an “illegitimate son”

They, the treacherous Royal family members of Kedah, then, with their allies, the people of Selangor and Perak, came to Alor Setar to raise an army and rebellion, however, the Alor Setar Malays did not want to join in the rebellion; so, the Royal family of Kedah and allies then razed Alor Setar in 1770.

Sultan Muhammad Jiwa (r. 1710–1778) was enraged and banished the Kedah Royal Family and they lived miserably in Selangor.

Upon creating the British settlement in Penang, Francis Light (1740–1794) writes in a scornful manner and a degrading tone of the weak leadership and barbaric character of the Sultan of Kedah in his letters to the East India Company, which was built upon baseless grounds; while the high officials of the court in Kedah, the Bendahara and Laxamana are powerful and the King of Kedah is afraid of them.

Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Shah (r. 1778 – 1797) was also written as a ruler who was dependent upon the Policy of The Dutch because he “did not appear so satisfied with our (Francis Light and the EIC) coming. He is written as a “weak man, too fond of money, very relax in the execution of law because he is timid, his income is from monopolizing all trade and the produce of the mines, presents, fines, bribery, duty on plough, cattle, and slaves.

Surprisingly, Francis Light continues his insults by writing that the King of Kedah wants a friendship with the Governor General of India in Calcutta and send a grant of the Island of Penang to Francis Light.

In monetary terms, the friendship with the King of Kedah (r. 1786) was valued at $10000 Spanish Dollar per annum.

Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Shah (r. 1778–1797) is immortalised by Francis Light as a cruel and ineffective leader as the people of Kedah cultivate his land and defends Kedah by their own charge.

The motivations for such degrading depictions could be to the want of Francis Light (1740–1794) to control trade routes, his anger towards the Sultan of Kedah for his resistance of British penetration, and a superiority complex which is a compensation for being and feeling inferior.

When Francis Light was trading and living in Tanjong Salang, he lived like a Malay due to the probability for the need to survive in a foreign environment. Though he was offered the position of the Governor of Tanjong Salang, he declined; probably because he would still have to live in his mask of living as a Malay and was despised by the higher-ups of the Siam government.

However, when he became the Superintendent of Penang under the employment of the East India Company, which enabled him to openly return to his roots of being a European; and living the life in the British high society, an experience which was not available to him in England, and he was free to exercise his true character without facing much accountability, he showed his true self; a person of such nastiness. His depictions are just propagandas for his personal and professional agendas — commerce, capitalism and glory.

The Sultan’s “friendship” is valued at SP 10,000 by Francis Light. He losses in trade with the coming of the English, he is powerless and yet cruel, due to his cruelty, and he refuses opium as a form of payment citing it is forbidden to be taken as Muslims. Francis Light thinks it is best to be on good terms with the King of Kedah.

Despite warring and having bad blood between Francis Light and the Sultan of Kedah, the Sultan of Kedah has called Francis Light regarding the Siam and Patani matter as he cares deeply for the Patani people.

Sultan Muhammad Jiwa Zainal Adilin II (r. 1710–1778) was assisted by Francis Light (1740–1794) to recapture Kota Kuala Kedah in 1771 to which he succeeded. The sultan views Francis Light as a saviour against foreign attacks.

Though working as an employee of Jourdain, Sullivan, and De Souza he was approached by a Nyonya on behalf of the King of Kedah, who saw Francis Light as a means of protection against other nations, she was sent to negotiate with Francis Light for a trading station in Kedah in exchange with a force of Sepoys which should be provided by Francis Light to aid the King of Kedah to repel attacks upon his kingdom.

Tengku Jiwa and Francis Light (1740–1794) were on friendly terms;

exemplified during the beginning of the British settlement of Penang where Tengku Jiwa came to stay with Francis Light for a few days. Tengku Jiwa is a relation to the King of Kedah, who had cautioned him not to allow more than one or two Malays to visit him at a time; to which Francis Light did not allow any armed Malay onshore Penang.

According to the writings of Francis Light, Tengku Jiwa is an object of jealousy and plays politics well, he is a man of honour and integrity and Francis Light is very grateful that Tengku Jiwa advised him to strengthen himself and to trust no one.

Naturally, being friendly to Francis Light and a supporter of the British Settlement in Penang, he is written in a positive light; as he had shown visible support towards Francis Light and tipped him on a possible murder attempt.

“Toanku Iea is so nearly related to the king as to be an object of jealousy, he is wise enough to keep himself free from suspicion by professing a particular regard for the king, and avoiding all kind of official greatness. He is a man of some honor and integrity, and very grateful, he advises me to strengthen myself as fast as I can and trust to none of them.”

One of them being the characteristic of inconsistency shown by Tengku Raden to Francis Light which had angered him. In a letter of a draft, [MS40320/5 folio 39], from Francis Light to Tenku Raden Muhammad stating that Francis Light no longer wishes to correspond with Tenku Raden Muhammad on the basis of inconsistency of speech and his dislike of Francis Light settling in Penang Island.

The Bendahara and Laksaman of Kedah are the most powerful people in Kedah and the Dutch has affected them.

“The Bindahara is the first officer, he has charge of all the King’s vassals; has a large portion of land and a certain number of rayats to maintain his state. He is the ranger or overseer of the forests and lands; he is General of the Army in time of war; he is of an ancient family; and although he is of a weak-understanding, and very indeterminate in his actions, yet the king dare not remove him.”

The Bendahara and Laksaman of Kedah are the most powerful people in Kedah and the Dutch has affected them.

“The Laxamana is the admiral and the king’s brother-in-law, he governs all the islands and the Qualla, has charge of the Sea coast, he has a great number of dependants, and is mors powerful than the Bindahara, as he has more resolution and in more steady in his attachments.”

Francis Light requires the help of the Laksamana yet is suspicious towards him.

“Seyad Husmin and Beyad Juffer, two Malays of Arabian ex-traction and of considerable property, with very large families are come to reside here, they are importunate to obtain a written de-claration of the laws they themselves are subject to and a licence to govern their own families, slaves, and dependants, with an independent power, Laws, and that if they found their residence here income and in all cases to be judged by the Mahomedan disagreeable they might without molestation depart with their families, this was a matter of long matter of long debate before they would resolve to remain here,

I do not think myself authorized without the appro-bation of your Lordship to execute a compact of this moment. I represented to them the impropriety of any subject having an entire independent authority, that a reasonable, and as far as the general welfare would permit, an independent authority would be allowed them over their families and dependants, that their religion religions, laws and customs would be undisturbed, and that they might inflict any punishment upon their children and family excepting mutilation or death. If the crime committed was of such magnitude na to require more than a whipping, the culprit should be committed to prison and tried by the laws of the island, that if the case concerned one of their people and one of the inhabitants, or if any of their people committed a public breach of the laws, they should should be tried public-ly, that they and their families might quit this island whenever they thought proper.

The pride of the Seyade, who boast of being descendants of the prophet, will not allow them to submit to any authority but their own, they are so much respected by the Malay Princes that their persons are held too mored for punishment, the only chastisement they inflict on them is either a fine or diamimion from their country, they trade duty free and for the life of a slave they would think themselves degraded to give an answer, their jealousy is extreme, should any man be tound in private converse or in the apartment of the women, his death would be inevitable. This is the motive though not mentioned for their demanding a written. contract to preserve their persons from being brought before a Court of Justice, a medium rule may be drawn which will prevent these people from yielding to sudden and excessive gasts of pas-sion, without offence to their religious character.”

The king of Terennganu has sought help from Captain Glass against the Siamese.

“The king of Tringano has wrote for Captain Glass to come and asist him, as he expected the Siamese would invade his country.” Letter from Francis Light to Governor-General, dated 25th November 1786.

“The king of Salengore has wrote for a British Flag and autho-rity to hoist it upon his Fort and for sixty stand of arms, two 24-pounder iron guns, guns, 600 shot, 18-pounders, 2,000 flints, quantity of iron and steel and armourers tools.” Letter dater 25th November 1786.

Malay colonial identity – The Malay Collective

The family members who were part of the rebellion against the ruling Sultan were forbidden to return to Kedah and they lived out their lives in misery in Selangor.

“The old king was so much enraged at their proceedings that he forbade their ever returning to their country. The disappointed Princes retired to Selangore where they died in want and misery; only one of their children is left who lives with the present king.”

The Malays are bad at sea navigation, therefore bad at shipmaking, therefore are unable to transport their own goods and have not voyaged beyond the Straits of Malacca because of their lack of intelligent and skills in seafaring, navigation, boatmaking, trade and not global.

“As the Malays have little knowledge of Naviga-tion, and their Vessels constructed for Coasting Voyage, they cannot transport their own productions, Commodiously, beyond the straits of Malacca.” Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 20th June 1788.

The Malay Princes are afraid of the Dutch.

The Malays are oppressed by the Dutch that they do not depend upon Commercial Trade.

The Malay Princes are afraid of the Dutch.

In the writings of Francis Light the Malay images have been procured and identified. The social structure of the Malays in the Malay State[1] are mainly divided into two; being the Ruling class and the commoners in the Malay State of Kedah. The ruling class is the political institution where the monarchy and high officials is situated; they, the ruling class of Kedah to which they are interconnected to each other through genealogy and marriage.[2] They are evaluated through their right to rule,[3] their relations to the throne, their stand on British penetration; their character and skills.[4]

Upon the promise of Francis Light (1740–1794) in giving military assistance against Siam and other enemies, the letter received was received with such prompt[5] before they knew of the deceit of Francis Light which, upon an accumulation of years, turned the relationship sour. The individuals that assisted with the British settlement in Penang were written in a positive light while those who resisted were written negatively. However, there is a subgroup of the Royal family who was rightly offended to the ascension of Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Shah ibn Sultan Muhammad Jiwa (r. 1778–1797) as he was only the son of a slave girl, who had no rights to even live a life of luxury; had razed Kota Setar of Alor Setar after the urban dwellers refused to join their rebellion; was written in a neutral tone.[6]

The subjugated class in Kedah is further divided between the free and the slaves.[7] On a different note, the commoners, were evaluated based on the oppression[8] they endure by the ruling class, and their profession or their high skilled labour. The Kedahan “rakyat” were “obliged to cultivate his (the Sultan) lands, ans to defend the country at their own charge.”[9] The social cohesion of the Malays in the Malay State of Kedah is the monarchy as the King is the Head of State and Islam.

When a rebellion against the King of Kedah was taking place, the local Kedahan Malays refused to join the rebellion led by Royal family members of Kedah who wanted to overthrow the King of Kedah, who allied with the Malays Perak and Selangor. This illustrates their loyalty to the crown and as punishment for refusing to join the rebellion against their King, Alor Setar was razed in 1770 and plundered Kuala Kedah.[10]

The identity of the Malay people of the Malay State of Kedah Darul Aman is that they use the Malay Windu Cycle calendar and the Hijri calendar prior to the establishment of Georgetown. The belief system of the Malays of Kedah, their script is Arabic and their language is Javanese.[11]

The people of Kedah as a whole are too weak to go against Burma[12] is a statement by Francis Light (1740–1794) exemplified when the Laksamana of Kedah seek assistance from Francis Light to let the Patani Malays settle in Penang because Patani was under attack.[13] This had showcased the inner thoughts of the Laksamana of Kedah who had perceived the British to be much stronger in military compared to the Malays when coming up against the Burmese and Siamese as he had personally sought the assistance of Francis Light to help neighbouring Malay States when Kedah was unfit to do so as exhibited by the act of Kedah which sent homage of a silver tree or gold every three years to Ligor, then Burma;[14] depending on the super power.

According to Francis Light,  the Malays of Kedah would come and settle in Penang despite the obstacles.[15]

[1] Initially the Malays of Kedah was to be placed in the category of foreign Malays or Melayu Dagang, however, the depictions of the Malays occurred mostly prior to the annexation of Penang, therefore, the Malays are considered to be in the same Malay State as Penang which is as the Malay State of Kedah Darul Aman.

[2] Letter from Francis Light to the Governor General in Council, 25 November 1786. JIAEA Edited by J.R. Logan. New Series Vol. II. Singapore 1858. Pp. 202–203.

[3] The ascension to the throne was not without scandal and betrayal. Though Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Shah (r. 1778–1797) was the natural son to Sultan Muhammad Jiwa (r. 1710–1778), the other male heirs who were in line to the Sultanship of Kedah felt slighted by his ascension as they felt they had better birthrights to claim to the Sultanship compared to him because he was a “bastard.” Letter from Francis Light to Governor-General, dated 12 September 1786. JIAEA Edited by J.R. Logan. New Series Vol. II. Singapore 1858. P. 198.

[4] “…He (Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Shah, r. 1778–1797) is a weak man, too fond of money, very relax in the execution of law because he is timid, his income is from monopolizing all trade and the produce of the mines, presents, fines, bribery, duty on plough, cattle, and slaves.” Letter from Francis Light to Governor-General, dated 12 September 1786. JIAEA Edited by J.R. Logan. New Series Vol. II. Singapore 1858. P. 198.

[5] The Malay high officials of Kedah received the letter from the Governor General in India with much celebration. Francis Light. Journal Entry 1 July 1786. “Notices of Pinang: Extracts from the Journal of Captain Francis Light, 1786.” JIAEA Edited by J.R. Logan. New Series Vol. II. Singapore 1858. P. 195.

[6] The treacherous Royal family members of Kedah, then, with their allies, the people of Selangor and Perak, came to Alor Setar to raise an army and rebellion, however, the Alor Setar Malays did not want to join in the rebellion; so the Royal family of Kedah and allies then razed Alor Setar in 1770. In reply, Sultan Muhammad Jiwa (r. 1710–1778) was enraged and banished the Kedah Royal Family. Letter from Francis Light to Governor-General, dated 12 September 1786. JIAEA Edited by J.R. Logan. New Series Vol. II. Singapore 1858. P. 198.

[7] Letter from Francis Light to Governor-General, dated 12 September 1786. JIAEA. Edited by J.R. Logan. New Series Vol. II. Singapore 1858. P. 198. Francis Light (1740–1794) had his own Malay Bonds as written in his will.

[8] Letter from Francis Light to Governor-General, dated 12 September 1786. JIAEA. Edited by J.R. Logan. New Series Vol. II. Singapore 1858. P. 198. Francis Light (1740–1794) had his own Malay Bonds as written in his will.

[9] Letter from Francis Light to Governor-General, dated 12 September 1786. JIAEA New Series Vol. II. Singapore 1858. P. 199.

[10] Letter from Francis Light to Governor-General, dated 12 September 1786. JIEA New Series Vol. II. Singapore 1858. P. 198.

[11] The people of Kedah are Mahomedans, their letters are Arabic and their language Javanese Letter from Francis Light to Governor-General, dated 12 September 1786. JIAEA Edited by J.R. Logan. New Series Vol. II. Singapore 1858. P. 200.

[12] Francis Light. Journal Entry 30 June 1786. “Notices of Pinang: Extracts from the Journal of Captain Francis Light, 1786.” JIAEA by J.R. Logan. New Series Vol. II. Singapore 1858. P. 195.

[13] Letter from Francis Light to the Governor General in Council, 25 November 1786. JIAEA Edited by J.R. Logan. New Series Vol. II. Singapore 1858. Pp. 202–203.

[14] Letter from Francis Light to Governor-General, dated 12 September 1786. JIAEA Edited by J.R. Logan. New Series Vol. II. Singapore 1858. P. 201

[15] “I have received from the King of Quadah, in which he recapitulates his former requests, and desires to be speedily informed what allowance will be made to him for the loss of trade his country is likely to suffer from the English settling here. The present value of the King’s friendship may be fairly estimated at 10,000 Spanish dollars per annum. For, although he cannot prevent the trade from coming here, nor can he stop his subjects from coming to settle here, (they will come at all hazards), yet he can stop the import of provisions; and by letting loose a gang of thieves greatly distress a young Settlement. It is therefore prudent to keep on good terms with him, until we are in a condition to provide ourselves; add that same regard is due to one who has granted an island that is likely to prove of the greatest utility and advantage to the Hon’ble Company.” Letter from Francis Light to Governor-General, dated 5th October 1786.

These writings of the Malays by Francis Light wre written after settling in Penang island mid-1786. There were 52 Malays from Tanjong Tokong who came to fell the trees. There was an ancient clearing with coconuts, fruit trees and burial gorunds. One of the grave was Dato Keramat. Malays wearing a kris was not allowed on Penang

Francis Light contracted Malays to bring Neebons for the stockade at dollars 6 per hundred 12 feet long each.

They may be divided into two orders, the one of husbandmen who are quiet and inoffensive, easily ruled, they are capable of no great exertions but content themselves with planting paddy, sugar cane and a few fruit trees the cultivation whereof does not require much labour.

Francis Light (1740–1794) hired Malays for jungle work and arboreal related skills; they were hired to cut down trees, the wage was one dollar earned per four trees fell; he hired 100 Malays to clear the woods, and agreed to pay the Malay 42 Spanish Dollars for every orlong cleared fit for cultivation; he continued to hire Malays to fell trees; he hired Malays to cut a topmast for a Captain Robson.

On the 19th of July 1786, “People employed clearing the woods: some of the inhabitants of the island, who dwelt at the foot of the hills, paid me a visit and offered their services to assist me, I dismissed them with a present.”

15 August 1786, Malays native to Penang were hired by Francis Light to clear the grounds.

The Malays native to Penang were paid to clear landings and repair parts of a ship.

The Malays are a powerful purchasing power.

“It is to be considered, likewise, the great risque, and danger the Malays experience in bringing their Goods to this Market, in opposition to the Orders of the Dutch, and the Arbitrary restric-tions of their own Princes; The profits and conveniences must overbalance these apparent dangers to give the result in our favour. If the Captains of Ships find they can buy cheaper, and sell dearer, at the Malay ports, than they can here, and this difference sufficient to make them overlook the trouble and delays attending the change, they will only come here in case of accidents or dis-tress.

The Malays if they find Goods in no greater variety here, than in a Ship, and the profits reduced by Dutys equal to Malacca, will prefer going to a Port where they have no risque, and where, tho’ their Profits are small, they are sure of meeting with a great choice of Commoditys.” Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 20 June 1788.

The other category of Malays was the Melayu Dagang or foreign Malays from different states.

The Malay Dagang is further divided into three categories; the Melayu Dagang who lived outside of Penang Island and Kedah Darul Aman; the Melayu Dagang who settled in Penang and Melayu Dagang labourers who only came for work and then left.

The Malays who are geographically located outside of Penang and Kedah are mainly traders, where all Malay princes was the chief merchant; and the Malay like luxury items and weaponry signified by them holding cloth, gold, dollars, knives and the keris in esteem.

However, the nature of their profession, being traders or pirates is highly dependent upon their circumstances. These circumstances is much related to the Dutch trauma that they collectively endure. Due to the oppression by the Dutch colonisers who constantly terrorise the Malays, the Malays have developed a distrust in commercial friendship, however, out of desperation the Malays and Dutch trade with each other like thieves, and some of the Malays fight for the Dutch. The King of Selangor (1786) was the first Malay monarchy who was in want of the British authority but was politely declined and was written in a neutral tone.

Compared to other races who come for hire, the Melayu Dagang have their own system of labour, a set of 2 or 300 Malays would come and work for little money and a new set would come in to replace them; this enables every Malay labourer a fair chance at earning money without monopolising work opportunities to limited people, showcasing the principle of equity throughout the Malays.

The Penang administration has made the Melayu Dagang labourers better in behaviour.

There are two categories of Malay settlers in Penang; the wealthy and invited; and the impoverished migrants.

Syed Juffer and Syed Hussain are wealthy Malays of Arabic extraction from Acheh, who were invited by Francis Light (1740– 1794) to settle in Penang with their family and conduct their own Mahomedan Laws;they, the Syeds are held in high respect by the Malay Prince because they are said to be descendent from the Prophet. Overall, the Arabs are perceived as good friends and dangerous enemies to the Malays.

There is a Haji Ali from Selangor with his family of 17 people sought permission to settle in Penang and permission was granted.

The other Malay settlers compose of Malays of various Malay States throughout the Malay Archipelago.

The Malay settlers are most part indigent, ignorant of arts, manufactures or trade, they are employed in cutting down woods at which they are both expert and laborious, and in cultivating paddy.

However, they came with their problems, amongst them mainly are related to domestic issues which is under the realm of religious law; a Malay domestic dispute that resulted to the death of the wife and injury to the husband the wife attacked the husband first; and written in this letter from Francis Light (1740– 1794) to the Laksamana Kedah (MS 40320/7, f.141), dated 19 August 1789, Francis Light accuses a Malay woman, former wife of a goldsmith as a liar. He sought knowledge from the Laksamana of Kedah to determine if her marital status and it was found that she was indeed a Malay divorcee.

There are a plentiful of Malay Dagang settlers on the Malay Island.

In the treasury under “contingencies” there is listed “Advnaces to Malay Families (settlers) SP 680.

No armed Malays were allowed to be onshore Penang Island by Francis Light.

The Malays of Riau had a monopolising King and the Dutch brought terror to the Malays of Riau.

“Rheo however well situated for a connection with the East, under a Malay Government, was an unprofitable Market for the Europeans, for this reason, the Merchants seldom met each other, the bargain was made thro’ the King : In the hands of the Dutch it will be a barrier to the China Seas and Eastern Trade, and an object of terror to the Malays, and a melancholy, memento, to the British Traders, that the Port might once have been their.” Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 20 June 1788.

The Siamese are cruel towards Patani, yet the Laksamana of Kedah try to help the Patani Malays.

The Patani people are much loved by Kedahans.

“The Siamese General is extirpating Patany. All the men, children and old women he orders to be tied and thrown upon the ground and then trampled to death by elephants.” Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 12th September 1786.

“The Laxamana is desirous I should receive a thousand of the Patany people in this island. This would be highly imprudent, while we have so small a force, especially as the Laxamana from the beginning was much averse to our coming here and wishes to expel us.” Letter from Francis Light to Governor-General, dated 25th November 1786.

“I have received repeated solicitations from the king of Quedah to come and consult with him respecting the Siamese and people of Patany… The Siamese have conquered Patany; such of the people as have escaped the sword are perishing in the forests, the king of Quedah being afraid to grant them admittance into any part of his country, having received from the Siamese General strict in-junctions not to succour one of them, the whole race being devo-ted to destruction.

Yesterday the king of Quedah sent the Shabunder to enquire if I would consent to the people of Patany settling opposite to Pinang, and assist him if attacked by the Siamese.” Letter from Francis Light to Governor-General, dated 25th November 1786.

Most of the people in Junk Ceylon were amicable towards Francis Light and bought provisions from him, yet there was a local governor that abhorred him and made life hard for him and the people who liaised with him in Junk Ceylon.

This hatred was visibly intensified after the death of the Governor of Junk Ceylon, Pia Pimons. The death of Pia Pimons (d. 1785), the Governor of the Island of Junk Ceylon (Salang), had also left his seat vacant, thus upon the trust that his widow had towards Francis Light, she offered him to assume her late husband’s position as Governor of Junk Ceylon through an official correspondence (source is at British Museum, letter from Thalang) but Francis Light politely declined. It was at this time that the Dutch proved to be a much formidable enemy compared to Siam.

The people of tanjong Salang are in famine because of the Burmese and Francis Light cares for their well-being.

“The people of Junk Ceylon after expelling the Burmese are distressed by famine, and expect another attack this season.

I have sent to the people of Junk Ceylon 500 bags of rice, in order not to lose entirely the good will of the islanders.” Letter from Francis Light to Governor-General, dated 25th November 1786.

There are two types of Malay labourers; the ones that come for temporary work and the migrant labourers. They are further divided into two sectors; husbandry and maritime. The husbandry labourers are more docile and easily domesticated, like the cultivations, while the maritime labourers are likened like the sea, wild and violent.

They may be divided into two orders, the one of husbandmen who are quiet and inoffensive, easily ruled, they are capable of no great exertions but content themselves with planting paddy, sugar cane and a few fruit trees the cultivation whereof does not require much labour.

Francis Light (1740–1794) hired Malays for jungle work and arboreal related skills; they were hired to cut down trees, the wage was one dollar earned per four trees fell;

he hired 100 Malays to clear the woods, and agreed to pay the Malay 42 Spanish Dollars for every orlong cleared fit for cultivation; he continued to hire Malays to fell trees; he hired Malays to cut a topmast for a Captain Robson.

The other order is employed in navigating prows, they are in general almost without exception a bad description of people, addicted to smoking of opium, gaming and other vices, to rob and assassinate is only shameful when they fail of success.

Ten or fifteen men will live in a small prow to appearance not large enough for six men, for months they will skulk in bays and rivers where there are no inhabitants, watching for the unwary traders, they spend their whole time in sloth and indolence, subsisting upon roots, wild yams and fish, and are only roused by the appearance of plunder which when they have obtained they return home or to some other port to spend it.

Here they frequently are obliged to part with a share of their plunder to some chief under whose protection they squander the remainder and proceed in quest of new adventure.

The feudal government of the Malays encourages these pirates. Every chief is desirous of procuring many desperate fellows to bring him in plunder and execute his revengeful purpose.

Malay colonial identity – Themes

Kedah has never been governed by Siam and is a plaything or pawn of Burma and Siam.

“I must now further trespass upon your patience to acquaint you with the relation Quedah has to Siam. It does not appear either by writings or tradition, that Quedah was ever governed by the Siamese laws or customs, there would have been some remains had there been any affinity between them. The people of Quedah are Mahomedans, their letter Arabic, and their language Javasme; their kings originally from Minacabo or Sumatra, but as Quedeh was very near Ligore, a kingdom of Siam, they sent every third year a gold and silver tree, as a token of homage to Ligore. This was done to preserve a good correspondence, for at this period the Siamese were very rich and numerous, but no warriors; and as considerable trade was carried on between Ligors and Quodeh. After the destruction of Siam the king of Ava demanded the token of homage from Quedah, and received the gold and silver tree. When Pea Sach drove away the Burmese and built a new city in Siam, the king of Quedah sent the tree to Siam, and has kept peace with both, paying homage sometimes to one and some-times to the other, and often to both.

Last year the preparations of the Burmese were so great that the king of Quedah expected the total destruction of the Siamese. The Burmese sent to the king to demand a supply of arms and ammunition, which he complied with, though in a very scanty manner, and very politically gave the Prows which carried them, two letters, one for the Burmese and one for the Siamese; one or two of the Prows went to the Burmese while attacking Bolong, the others meeting with the Siamese delivered their letters. This has been told to the Siamese General with much addition, so that it is yet a doubt if he will not destroy Quedah, for taking and destroying is exactly the same with these savages.

The Siamese General is extirpating Patany. All the men, children and old women he orders to be tied and thrown upon the ground and then trampled to death by elephants.

The King of Quedah has reasons to be afraid of such a tyrant and hopes to secure himself by an alliance with the Honorable Company, yet so little confidence is to be placed in these people that I shall not be surprised at his offering to sacrifice this new Settlement to the avarice of the King of Siam if requested.”

Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 12th September 1786.

The Riau Malays are scared of the Dutch, refuse the English, yet Riau is lucrative to the English.

“If the Captains of Ships find they can buy cheaper, and sell dearer, at the Malay ports, than they can here, and this difference sufficient to make them overlook the trouble and delays attending the change, they will only come here in case of accidents or dis-tress.” Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 20th June 1788.

“If the Dutch agree to abandon Rheo, they will not easily consent to the English possessing it, but wish it to be kept in a state of indigence and unfrequented, it was the English Traders who brought Rheo into repute, they had then no certain place to frequent, but wandered from Place to Place in search of purchasers, and meeting the Malays in uninhabited Places like Thieves gathered together to divide their Spoil. The Malay Chief equally disposed to trade or Plunder, performed either, as circumstances permitted, this is precisely the case at present and must continue so, as long as the Dutch obstruct the Navigation and the English refuse to make any alliances however advantageously offered to them.” Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 20th June 1788.

“The evacuation of Rheo by the Dutch, and the restoring the liberty of navigation to the Buggesses, and Malays, will fully commerce to the English and Natives of India. The Port of Penang is conveniently situated and more agreable to the Bug-gesses, for these reasons, they will be free of those restrictions which the two Kings of Rheo laid on them, they will meet not only the Opium and Manufactures of Bengal, but those of Coromandel, they will sell their own Manufactures to the ose of their Gold which is an Article of great moment, to the Chooliars.” Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 20th June 1788.

The Malays have a high opinion towards the Malays.

“14th. Captain Simson with his passengers ca me ashore-suppli-ed him with a bullock as I had done the other ships, and with fowls, fruit, and I received the greatest attention from the Captains of the ships which came in, and got a supply of such necessaries as I wanted. The sight of three large ships, the report of their guns, and the number of Europeans coming ashore, serve to raise us considerably in the opinion of the Malays.” Journal entry 14th August 1786. Diary of Francis Light 1786.

Francis Light (1740–1794) often traded with the Malays; he received rice from the King of Kedah; and contracted Malays to bring Neebons for the stockade at dollars 6 per hundred 12 feet long each.

The Malay labourers were not evaluated by their origins; however, they were evaluated on their skills and character since they were already considered to be part of the assistance in building a British settlement on Penang, specifically Georgetown. In hiring the Malay high skilled labourers, Francis Light has depicted his own sense of duality, the need for the Malays who have adapted and thrived in their environment of the tropical weather, and also the detestation he has for them as he wants their natural resources but is not able to do so without their expertise as even his own people amongst his entourage were shown to be useless and thieving, however, who are written as thieves in their own country become well-behaved in Penang.

Compared to other races who come for hire, the Melayu Dagang have their own system of labour, a set of 2 or 300 Malays would come and work for little money and a new set would come in to replace them; this enables every Malay labourer a fair chance at earning money without monopolising work opportunities to limited people, showcasing the principle of equity throughout the Malays.

The natives of Penang were employed by Francis Light to clear the land.

The price for work for hire is “75 of a dollar perday” (0.75 cents) and for “a wood-cutter nine dollars per month.”

“5th. Fair weather. The inhabitants every day paying me a visit, I requested their assistance in cutting down the large trees called Bore. They cut down four but I could not prevail upon them to attempt any more, having broke two of their Bloongs (axes.) Contracted with some Malays to bring Neebons for a stockade at dollars 6 per hundred 12 feet long each. 6th. The people employed in clearing the ground; ordered the Chinese to dig up the sand and saw the roots of the large trees. This proves a slow and laborious work, offered to the Malays a dollar for every four trees they should cut down… 8th. Fine weather, the lascars building a store house and the Chinese sawing down the trees, the Malays accepted the offer of 1 dollar for four trees and went to work with great spirit. 9th. Fair weather, every body employed. The marines have made frequent complaints of the hardship they suffer in being obliged to work, this at a time when they are indulged with full Batta and provisions is a proof of their ignorancs and unworthiness.” Francis Light Diary 1786.

The consumption of opium amongst the Malays remains steady.

“The demand for this Article among the Malays continues nearly the same, the several prohibitions and restrictions still remaining.” Letter from Captain Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 20th June, 1788.

Malays are pirates.

Piracy amongst the Malays are out of desperation. The Malay Rajas are derived of their revenue and this has brought upon secondary damages which is social illness and vices such as piracy.

“The Rajas deprived of their Revenue which consisted in pro- fits upon particular Articles of Commerce Dutys and Presents, are constrained to procure a necessary maintenance to seek it in loans, fines and a Monopoly of the produce of the Country, this introduces disaffection, complaint, jealousys, and Broils and Piracys.” Francis Light. “Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 20 June 1788.” Communicated by C. E. Wurtzburg. JMBRAS. No. XVI, Part 1. July 1938. P. 121.

“The Malays, comprehending a great variety of people from Queda, through all the Malay Peninsula, the Islands, Sumatra and Java, form another considerable part of our inhabitants. They are most part indigent, ignorant of arts, manufactures or trade, they are employed in cutting down woods at which they are both expert and laborious, and in cultivating paddy. They may be divided into two orders, the one of husbandmen who are quiet and inoffen-sive, easily ruled, they are capable of no great exertions but content themselves with planting paddy, sugar cane and a few fruit trees the cultivation whereof does not require much labour. The other order is employed in navigating prows, they are in general almost without exception a bad description of people, addicted to smoking of opium, gaming and other vices, to rob and assassinate is only shameful when they fail of success. Ten or fiften men will live in a small prow to appearance not large enough for six men, for months they will skulk in bays and rivers where there are no inhabitants, watching for the unwary traders, they spend their whole time in sloth and indolence, subsisting upon roots, wild yams and fish, and are only roused by the appearance of plunder which when they have obtained they return home or to some other port to spend it. Here they frequently are obliged to part with a share of their plunder to some chief under whose protection they squander the remainder and proceed in quest of new adventure. The Feudal government of the Malays encourages these pirates. Every chief is desirous of procuring many desperate fellows to bring him in plunder and execute his revengeful purposes.” Letter from Francis Light to Government, Fort Cornwallis, dated 25th January 1794.

The Arabs are given certain privileges by the Malays.

“The Arabe and descendants of Arabs form another part of the community; they are but a few families; they have a great number of dependants; they are strict Mahomedans, proud and unwilling to yield to any authority; they trade to all countries and among the Malays with particular privileges; they are good friends and dangerous enemies.” Letter from Francis Light to Government, Fort Corwallis, dated 25th January 1794.

There are two main attitudes towards the British; friend or foe.

Francis Light (1740–1794) had accused the Malays for being ungrateful to the British that has shown them mercy by not annihilating them, and Malays looks down on the British yet are astonished by the greatness of the British. There are Malays who view Francis Light (1740–1794) in a cordial manner, like Tengku Jiwa of the Royal Family of Kedah and the Malays of Tanjung Salang.

On the other hand, some relations with the Malays were terminated by Francis Light due to various reasons. One of them being the characteristic of inconsistency shown by Tengku Raden to Francis Light which had angered him. In a letter of a draft, [MS40320/5 folio 39], from Francis Light to Tenku Raden Muhammad stating that Francis Light no longer wishes to correspond with Tenku Raden Muhammad on the basis of inconsistency of speech and his dislike of Francis Light settling in Penang Island. This showcases the various nature and functions of friendship and other relations Francis Light had with the Malays.

“The People of Holland are ignorant of their great Obligations to the English, in forbearing to assist or countenance their Enemies at a time when their Settlements were so eakly guarded that the smallest exertion on our part would have occasioned their destruction, it is acknowledged by themselves that had so small a Force as two Hundred Men joined the Malays at Rheo. Malacca would have been lost, and Batavia in the greatest danger, all their Allies would have deserted them, and they must have fallen a sacrifice before assistance could arrive from Europe. The Malays are no less astonished than the Dutch at our tamely submitting Some every Port of Commerce to be taken and shut up from all communication.” Francis Light. “Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 20 June 1788.”

It was discovered that there was a nutmeg in the island of Penang.

The Pepper vine from Sumatra was brought to Penang in 1790.

Analysis of the Malay Colonial identity of Francis Light

This section analyses Francis Light’s portrayals of the Malays within the broader context of British colonial thought, personal experience, and historical circumstance.

The Malays were stunted living in the Medieval Era while the British had progressed to the Enlightenment. The main reason is the monarchy is keeping the Malay people stunted as they oppressed their subjects. Life was harsh for the people in poverty, social inequality was stark in contrast and there was a need of progress, for a better material life. There was a deep reliance on the monarchy to maintain order, as the Sultan was the head of state and religion in a feudal society. The Malay dependency on Islam is exhibited through the use of the Hijrah calendar and the Malay Windu cycle as seen in letter of correspondence between Francis Light (1740–1794) and the Malays; Sultans, Kings, nobility, dignitaries, traders, and other various titles. This is a projection and mirroring of the English life who themselves lived in the Medieval period, who were ruled by the State and Church which only led to oppression, misery, and tragedy in the name of the Church and their use of the Julian calendar. Francis Light had written the Malays as lagging behind in life, therefore are in need of the British to bring liberation from religion, just like the British once experienced.

The Malays were penned down to be highly skilled with clearing the jungle showcasing that they had a good relation with their natural environment and could control it, yet they were written as bad in navigation, possibly because that was the only strength of the British – maritime powers. They are collectively attacked and oppressed by the Dutch and Siamese. Therefore, they being on the weaker end sought the help of the British, specifically Francis Light due to familiarity; — in 1771, Francis Light had assisted the Sultan of Kedah to capture Alor Setar and was granted the permission to stay in Kuala Kedah and base himself there. The Malays are do not hold the British in esteem because their reverence is for the King as he is the head of State and Religion, a religion inextricable in their lives as the Malays have not experienced secularization of the mind prior to the 20th century.

Upon the creation of the British Settlement in Penang (1786), Francis Light had written many degrading remarks towards the Malays particularly Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Shah (r. 1778–1979) in a scornful tone and he is portrayed like a barbarian who ascends the throne though he has no sovereignty and no claim to the Sultanship due to the circumstances of his birth — an “illegitimate child” weak leadership and bad character especially avarice in his letters to the East India Company, which was built upon baseless grounds; He is written as a “weak man, too fond of money, very relax in the execution of law because he is timid, his income is from monopolizing all trade and the produce of the mines, presents, fines, bribery, duty on plough, cattle, and slaves. While the high officials of the court in Kedah, the Bendahara and Laxamana are powerful and the King of Kedah is afraid of them.

Surprisingly, Francis Light continues his insults by writing that the King of Kedah wants a friendship with the Governor General of India in Calcutta and send a grant of the Island of Penang to Francis Light. In monetary terms, the friendship with the King of Kedah (r. 1786) was valued at $10000 Spanish Dollar per annum. Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Shah (r. 1778–1797) is immortalised by Francis Light as a cruel and ineffective leader as the people of Kedah cultivate his land and defends Kedah by their own charge. The motivations for such degrading depictions could be to the want of Francis Light to control trade routes, his anger towards the Sultan of Kedah for his resistance of British penetration, and a superiority complex which is a compensation for being and feeling inferior.

In the Malay World, Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Shah (r. 1778–1797) is still entitled to the throne of Kedah because he is the child of the third wife, in Islam, a man who could afford more than one wife is permitted to have up to four wives at one time, the mother of Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Shah (r. 1778 –1797) is a legitimate and legal wife, not a slave neither a concubine, a marital practice foreign and forbidden in the English monarchy. This depiction of the Malays fits perfectly in the colonial narrative and the agendas of Francis Light (1740–1794) where the Malays are barbaric and uncivilised in much need of progress and liberation from the shackles of their tradition and ineffective leaders and oppressive Sultans; which can only be afforded by the British.

Criteria of Evaluation Francis Light (1740–1794)

This section analyses Francis Light’s criteria of evaluation of the Malays within the broader context of British colonial thought, personal experience, and historical circumstance.

The Malays are evaluated based upon the economic and political needs of Francis Light (1740–1794) to build a base so he may have more power in commerce.

The categories of the Malays are based upon their social hierarchy. The social structure is evaluated by the distinctive classes upon their societal function — the Ruling and the subjugated class. The heirs to the thrones and court are evaluated by their legitimacy to the throne, relations to the throne, characters and skills. However, knowledge pertaining the cultural and religious views and political complexity are not discussed.

Pertaining the subjugated class, the criteria of evaluation is how they faced, endured, and was impacted by oppression of the ruling class, and their economic activities of profession and skills, while the omitted criteria of evaluation is social cohesion and intellectual capacities.

In the social structures of the Malays, exist a subculture of the Melayu Dagang who the foreign Malays, not original inhabitants of the Malay States they currently reside in yet their nativity is still in the Malay Archipelago. They are evaluated by their economic roles, behaviour and morality while their cultural identity and the conflicts they bring are not discussed much.

The labourers of Penang Island are evaluated based upon their character, skills, and their labour system of equity, but the undiscussed criteria are their cultural practices and its effects to the society and their social mobility.

In summary, the evaluated criteria are social hierarchy and power dynamics for the Malay ruling class; for the subjugated class are evaluated by their economic activities, roles and skills; while the labourers are evaluate upon their behavior and morality. The omitted criteria are cultural and religious influences, internal social dynamics, agency and autonomy of the Malays.

The Malays are evaluated in accordance to the motivations of Francis Light (1740–1794) to control commerce, create a British settlement in the Malay Archipelago, uplevel himself to better social ranks, and obtain financial privileges.

The Malays are mostly not given a full evaluation as a people and culture.

Francis Light evaluated the Malays based upon their willingness to accept British intervention in the Malay States on the Malay Peninsula. He had also projected his own insecurities upon the Malay people, for example, portraying the Malays to be settlers and evil towards the indigenous people just like them who are settlers on the England, and wicked to the indigenous people of Great Britain, the Welsh, Irish, and Scots. His inferiority complex was disguised as superiority complex.

With regards to slavery, an institution ingrained in the Malay culture since immemorial; debt-slavery is given emphasis as it is the peculiarity of the Malay people. Francis Light (1740–1794) had Batak slaves and Malay debt-slaves he wrote as Malay Bonds, he sought the Malay debt-slaves to be freed except Esan – who was to remain with Martina;

Emphasis is given mainly to the negative characters of the Malays; for Francis Light the Malays are inherently evil.

Yet, his explanations are marred with capitalism tendencies showcased by how they revel in the natural resources found in the Malay peninsula and in the abundance of edible natural resources which is lacking in Britain.

He has exhibited biased views in favour the British agenda and propagation, he has also committed the logical fallacy of overgeneralisation and his writings and thoughts are a highly subjective perception to which those Malays, and their elements of evaluation that aligns with the British are written in a positive light and vice versa.

European historiography & Criterion of Objectivity

The chapter will explore key elements of European historiography to frame the works of these colonial officials, subsequently, an analysis of their writings will follow, highlighting their exhibition of objectivity.
European cultural tradition is rooted in feudal, monarchical, and aristocratic structures, where individual acts of boldness, violence, and risk are often central themes, frequently culminating in tragedy.
The four key elements define European historiography; monarchy, partisanship, homogeneous representation, and the two types of historical interpretations- racial and Marxist. Ultimately, historiography demands careful, critical engagement with sources to ensure conclusions are well-supported by probability and evidence.

Objectivity is essential to prevent history from becoming propaganda as facts are rarely pure and are often shaped by interpretation. Propaganda exploits the tendency to accept meaning without analysis, therefore, it is incumbent for the historian to critically assess language to resist manipulation and avoid uncritical acceptance of written narratives. Knowing their criterion of objectivity is essential in determining the elements of credibility and truthfulness in their Malay Images written in their corpus. This is a crucial step to bringing the Malay images to the direction of truthfulness.

In the writings of Francis Light (1740–1794) the first element of European historiography is the monarchy, being the unifying factor for the British and Malays. This is exhibited in the writings of Francis Light when he writes about the political power of the Malay Sultans as the unifying power of the Malay subjects when they refused to join the rebellion against their reigning monarch.

The second element of European historiography is partisanship. Francis Light exhibited his Christian worldview when he wrote in letters using the Gregorian Calendar, and when he wrote his images of the Malays in accordance to colonial worldview.

The third element of a European historiography is homogeneous representation; exhibited when he accused the Malays as ungrateful to the British for not annihilating them as the British is superior in might, intellect and morality compared to the Malays showcasing a Eurocentric worldview.

The fourth element of a European historiography is racial biasness; is glaring and consistent throughout his writings. As exemplified when he showcased his despite towards the Dutch exhibited when he wrote the Batavia Governor is by a Spirit of Envy and Revenge. And towards the Malays as he portrays them in a scorning dehumanizing portrayal that had no basis to his rancour. Thus, the writings of Francis Light (1740–1794) is in alignment to European historiography.

It is natural for the scholars of Oriental studies to take his writings as authoritative and significant, specifically in Western Malay Studies. The Western canon of history and Oriental studies are instituted upon the core of superiority and secularism, which is stemmed from the problem of knowledge itself. Though the worldview of Francis Light is the mixture of the Graeco-Roman worldview, Protestant Christian, the colonial mindset, Georgian outlook, in addition to his personal and professional agendas; it should however not be the cause of subjective writing, rather objectivity in writing is to be made the ultimatum in determining the credibility and trustworthiness of one’s writings.

Criterion of Objectivity

This chapter shall analyse the standards of objectivity as according to the parameter given by Jacques Barzum in his The Modern Researcher. The standards required to achieve the criterion of objectivity are (1) accuracy, (2) a commitment to order, (3) logic,(4) honesty, (5) self-awareness, (6) imagination, (7) unity and completeness, (8) is not bias, (9) does not generalise from a single instance or commits to Reductive Fallacy, (10) does not apply misplaced Literalism, (11) employs the precise choice of words that bring clarity in meaning, (12) avoids poor judgement,(13) does not contain vulgarity, and (14) does not use the tone of perpetual timidity and indecision.

Objectivity is essential to prevent history from becoming propaganda as facts are rarely pure and are often shaped by interpretation. Propaganda exploits the tendency to accept meaning without analysis, therefore, it is incumbent for the historian to critically assess language to resist manipulation and avoid uncritical acceptance of written narratives. Knowing their criterion of objectivity is essential in determining the elements of credibility and truthfulness in their Malay Images written in their corpus. This is a crucial step to bringing the Malay images to the direction of truthfulness.

The first standard of objectivity is accuracy; Francis Light obtained his facts about the Malays through empiricism; therefore, this method of interpretation is questionable.

Accuracy is the facts are ascertain. Jacques Barzum and Henry F. Graff. The Modern Researcher. 1962. P. 57.

The second standard of objectivity is a commitment to order;to which was lacking in the writings of Francis Light.

Love for order is that the value of the system keeps the order, which involves three minor virtues calm, patience, and pertinacity. Jacques Barzum and Henry F. Graff. The Modern Researcher. 1962. Pp. 57–58.

The third standard of objectivity is logic, was also lacking as his scorching comments about the ruling class of the Malay State of Kedah was without basis.

Logic are of two types, mechanical and intellectual. Jacques Barzum and Henry F. Graff. The Modern Researcher. 1962. P. 58.

The fourth standard of objectivity is honesty, to which he had shown he did not have; during his correspondence with the Sultan of Kedah pertaining military assistance in the event of Kedah being attacked by their enemy while at the same time lied to the Bengal Government that he obtained Penang Island due to his personal influence.

The researcher is a searcher of truth therefore he must be honest. Jacques Barzum and Henry F. Graff. The Modern Researcher. 1962. Pp. 58–59.

The fifth standard of objectivity is self-awareness, which is not exhibited in the writings of Francis Light (1740–1794); In Journal entry 14th August 1786, he states that the “sights of three large ships, the report of their guns, and the number of Europeans coming ashore, serve to raise us (British) considerably in the opinion of the Malays,” showcases his superiority complex, that the Malays look upon the British.

“The researcher must have self-awareness in his research where his emotions are to be controlled and he must set the criteria when passing judgement, hence, he must be honest and make his criteria of evaluation clear to the readers” & “There are two important realms where self-awareness is absolutely crucial, when giving the description of cultures alien in time or space, and biography.” Jacques Barzum and Henry F. Graff. The Modern Researcher. 1962. P. 59.

The sixth standard of objectivity is imagination, to which he showcased when he chose the island of Penang as a suitable place as a repair and refine centre for ships along the Chinese trade routes.

The researcher must be able to imagine where to retain his sources and what type of sources for his research. Jacques Barzum and Henry F. Graff. The Modern Researcher. 1962. Pp. 59–60.

The seventh standard of objectivity is unity and completeness, to which he did not acquire, in evaluating the Malays, the evaluation of the Malays were from the perspective of commerce and propaganda, therefore the evaluation of the Malays by Francis Light in his writings do not have unity and completeness.

Jacques Barzum and Henry F. Graff. The Modern Researcher. Fifth edition. 1992. P. 20.

The eighth standard of objectivity is not bias. Francis Light holds prejudice towards the Dutch exhibited when he wrote the Batavia Governor is by a Spirit of Envy and Revenge and bias towards the Malay Sultans of Kedah.

Jacques Barzum and Henry F. Graff. The Modern Researcher. Fifth edition. 1992. P. 166.

The ninth standard of objectivity is Francis Light does not generalise from a single instance or commits to Reductive Fallacy, Francis Light (1740–1794) adhered to this standard.

Jacques Barzum and Henry F. Graff. The Modern Researcher. 1962. P. 196.

The tenth standard of objectivity is that does not apply misplaced Literalism, to which he didn’t apply.

“Misplaced Literalism makes shambles of intellectual history.” Jacques Barzum and Henry F. Graff. The Modern Researcher. 1962. Pp. 127–128.

The eleventh standard of objectivity is that Francis Light employs the precise choice of words that bring clarity in meaning; he applied the words required to bring the impression towards the Malays as per his desire.

The words are not to be misleading, there are not to mask or make attractive. “A historian pays attention to the language used as bad generalizations are often the result of careless language.” Jacques Barzum and Henry F. Graff. The Modern Researcher. 1962. P. 125.

The twelfth standard of objectivity is that Francis Light avoids poor judgement, he portrayed Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Shah (r. 1778–1797) as a child out of wedlock of a slave woman, to which he and his mother was not – they were legal family members of the Royal Family of Kedah.

The historian is not to be engaging in poor reasoning… “History must be as precise as close research and guarded statement can make it, but it must not lose vividness and impetus, yet when overextended generalization does not come from the careless use of universals, it comes from the failure to think of negative instances.” Jacques Barzum and Henry F. Graff. The Modern Researcher. 1962.  Pp. 125–126.

The thirteenth standard of objectivity is the writings of Francis Light does not contain vulgarity; his writings does level the Sultan of Kedah (r. 1778–1797) to be in the similar circumstances of birth with him exhibited upon the illegal cessation on the island of Penang, Francis Light started writing scathing remarks of Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Shah (r. 1778–1797), labelling himself a child of out of wedlock who should not have ascended to the throne and a person with bad character and weak leadership skills. Francis Light was born out of wedlock and was limited in opportunities in life, a contrast to Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Shah (r. 1778– 1797); this could have inspired envy and inferiority in Francis Light.

The historian must avoid the fallacy of Vulgarity, distinctive characters should not be made lost. Jacques Barzum and Henry F. Graff. The Modern Researcher. 1962. P. 129

The fourteenth standard of objectivity is that Francis Light does not use the tone of perpetual timidity and indecision in his writings. Francis Light does not have that tone, he instead uses the tone of certainty.

Jacques Barzum and Henry F. Graff. The Modern Researcher. 1962. P. 126.

The writings of Francis Light (1740–1794) pertaining the Malays does not meet most of the standards of objectivity, hence, it leans to the direction of propaganda. He writes against Dutch as despises the Dutch exhibited when he wrote the Batavia Governor is by a Spirit of Envy and Revenge and the ungrateful Dutch. He had also written the negative impact of the Dutch towards the Malays who do not depend upon commercial friendship because of the oppression of the Dutch. Pertaining the Malays, they are written to be in need of the British to have a better quality of life.

Francis Light. “Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 20 June 1788.” Communicated by C. E. Wurtzburg. Journal Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. No. XVI, Part 1. July 1938. P. 118.

“The People of Holland are ignorant of their great Obligations to the English, in forbearing to assist or countenance their Enemies at a time when their Settlements were so eakly guarded that the smallest exertion on our part would have occasioned their destruction, it is acknowledged by themselves that had so small a Force as two Hundred Men joined the Malays at Rheo. Malacca would have been lost, and Batavia in the greatest danger, all their Allies would have deserted them, and they must have fallen a sacrifice before assistance could arrive from Europe. The Malays are no less astonished than the Dutch at our tamely submitting Some every Port of Commerce to be taken and shut up from all communication.” Francis Light. “Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 20 June 1788.” Communicated by C. E. Wurtzburg. Journal Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. No. XVI, Part 1. July 1938. P. 119.

“Hence the Letter to all the Malay Princes not to allow any Europeans to Trade in their Ports but to carry the Tin and Pepper to Batavia, this letter was treated with derision, but the distruction of Rheo and Salengore have convinced the Malays that no dependence can be placed on Commercial Friendships,) had the Dutch benefited themselves by the distruction of so many Buggessee Princes, and Merchants it would have appeared more rational, but in order to deprive the English of a Trade which they took not the least pains to secure, or continue, the Dutch have equally dis- tressed themselves.” Francis Light. “Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 20 June 1788.” Francis Light. “Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 20 June 1788.” Communicated by C. E. Wurtzburg. Journal Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. No. XVI, Part 1. July 1938. P. 118.

It could be safely concluded that the criterion of objectiveness of Francis Light is relative. When an individual obeys his command, recognises his self-acknowledge superiority, and helps his achieve his professional and personal agenda, they are written in a positive light; whereas, when people go against his demands, he portrays them in a blameworthy manner. Francis Light gives emphasis and sometimes creates imagery of the weakness of character of the Malay Chiefs and Rulers, and the Malay people he could not seize control over in line with his intention for a British settlement and to ease his governance and administration upon them. On his individual character, Francis Light is written negatively by scholars. His approach to his agenda is “the end justifies the means,” therefore, he often employs deceit in negotiations, the “all is fair in love and war” tactic when he made the British Settlement on Penang Island that has been proven to be illegally. His adaptability to the local custom was a mechanism of survival and upon the capturing the Island, his narcissistic tendencies were made apparent in the letter he wrote to the Indian presidency. Therefore, Francis Light does not write history, instead propaganda for his personal gain and to the benefit of the British Empire.

Comparative Colonial Identitites in the Writings of Francis Light

These are the other people in the writings of Francis Light. However, priority is given to his Malay images and the other people serve as a comparative.

The Chinese or Mandarins in Penang are the highest consumers of opium.

According to Francis Light, the Chinese settlers on the Island of Penang are as the following,  “The Chinese coustitute the most valuable part of our inha-bitants; they are men, women and children about 3,000, they possess the different trades of carpenters, masons and smiths, are traders, shopkeepers and planters, they employ small vessels and prows and send adventures to the surrounding countries. They are the only people of the east from whom a revenue may be raised without expence and extraordinary efforts of government. They are a valuable acquisition, but speaking a language which no other people understand, they are able to form parties and com-binations in the most secret manner against any regulation of government which they disapprove, and were they as brave as intelligent they would be dangerous subjects, but their want of courage will make them bear many impositions before they rebel. They are indefatigable in the pursuit of money, and like the Enro-peans they spend it in purchasing those articles which gratify their appetites. They dont wait until they have acquired a large fortune to return to their native country, but send annually a part of their profits to their families. This is so general that a poor labourer will work with double labour to acquire two or three dollars to remit to China. As soon as they acquire a little money they obtain a wife and go on in a regular domestic mode to the end of their existence. They have every where people to teach their children, and sometimes they send males to China to complete their educa-tion. The females are always kept at home with the greatest strictness until they are married; they then enjoy greater liberty. They are excessively fond of gaming, there is no restraining them from it, this leads them into many distresses and frequently ends in their ruin.”

“But among the Chinese it encreases with astonishing rapidity, the venality of the Mandareens invalidating the laws of the Empire, making the importation as easy to the Subject as if it were a licensed article, the Price only will vary according as Circumstances and seperate Interests operate.” Letter from Captain Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 20th June, 1788.

Letter from Francis Light to Government, Fort Corwallis, dated 25th January 1794.

According to Francis Light, the Indians are, “The second class of our inhabitants consists of the Chooliars or people from the several ports on the Coast of Coromandel. The greater part of these have long been inhabitants of Queda and some of thein born there, they are all shopkeepers and Coolies, about one thousand are settled here, some with families, the vessels from the coast bring over annually 1,500 or 2,000 men, who by traffic and various kinds of labour obtain a few dollars with which they return to their homes and are succeeded by others. This is rather a drain upon the stock of the island, but as they are subjects of the Company it ultimately tends to the general good. The general character of these people is too well known to need any further comments, excepting those who have lived long with the Malays are more vicious than these who come immediately from the coast. Neither of them are worthy of much confidence or fear as subjects.”

Letter from Francis Light to Government, Fort Corwallis, dated 25th January 1794.

According to Francis Light, “The Siamese and Burmans, the same in religion and customs, but differing in language, form another part of our inha- bitants; they are about one hundred in number; many of thern are converts to the Roman Church; they are moderately indas-trious and chiefly employed in cultivation.” bitants; they are about one hundred in number; many of thern are converts to the Roman Church; they are moderately indas-trious and chiefly employed in cultivation.”

Letter from Francis Light to Government, Fort Corwallis, dated 25th January 1794.

According to Francis Light, “The Arabe and descendants of Arabs form another part of the community; they are but a few families; they have a great number of dependants; they are strict Mahomedans, proud and unwilling to yield to any authority; they trade to all countries and among the Malays with particular privileges; they are good friends and dangerous enemies.”[1]

Letter from Francis Light to Government, Fort Corwallis, dated 25th January 1794.

According to Francis Light, “The Buggesses, though few inhabit here at present, yet as they come annually to trade and remain two or three months on shore to the number of one or two thousand, they are during their residence a part of our society. They are Mahomedans, a proud, warlike, independant people, easily irritated and prone to revenge, their vessels are always well provided with arms which they use with dexterity and vigor; they are the best merchants among the Eastern Islands. They are better governed by patient and mild exhortation than by force, if they commit a trespass they are easily made sensible and may be persuaded to render satisfaction, but they reluctantly yield to stern authority, they require to be carefully watched and cautiously ruled. The great value of their cargoes either in bullion or goods, with the quantity of opium and piece goods they export, make their arrival much wished for by all mer-cantile people.”

Letter from Francis Light to Government, Fort Corwallis, dated 25th January 1794.

The Dutch are ignorant towards the English.

“The People of Holland are ignorant of their great Obligations to the English, in forbearing to assist or countenance their Enemies at a time when their Settlements were so eakly guarded that the smallest exertion on our part would have occasioned their destruction, it is acknowledged by themselves that had so small a Force as two Hundred Men joined the Malays at Rheo. Malacca would have been lost, and Batavia in the greatest danger, all their Allies would have deserted them, and they must have fallen a sacrifice before assistance could arrive from Europe. The Malays are no less astonished than the Dutch at our tamely submitting Some every Port of Commerce to be taken and shut up from all communication.” Francis Light. “Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 20 June 1788.” Communicated by C. E. Wurtzburg. JMBRAS. No. XVI, Part 1. July 1938. P. 119.

They are cruel and tyrants and different from the Malays. And at war with Burma. Siam demands Francis Light to protect Tanjung Salang. The Siamese are cruel towards the people of Pattani. Due to the war between Burma and Siam, the Laksamana of Kedah expects that the Patani people to migrate to Penang despite Francis Light rejecting this desire.

“I must now further trespass upon your patience to acquaint you with the relation Quedah has to Siam. It does not appear either by writings or tradition, that Quedah was ever governed by the Siamese laws or customs, there would have been some remains had there been any affinity between them. The people of Quedah are Mahomedans, their letter Arabic, and their language Javasme; their kings originally from Minacabo or Sumatra, but as Quedeh was very near Ligore, a kingdom of Siam, they sent every third year a gold and silver tree, as a token of homage to Ligore. This was done to preserve a good correspondence, for at this period the Siamese were very rich and numerous, but no warriors; and as considerable trade was carried on between Ligors and Quodeh. After the destruction of Siam the king of Ava demanded the token of homage from Quedah, and received the gold and silver tree. When Pea Sach drove away the Burmese and built a new city in Siam, the king of Quedah sent the tree to Siam, and has kept peace with both, paying homage sometimes to one and some-times to the other, and often to both.

Last year the preparations of the Burmese were so great that the king of Quedah expected the total destruction of the Siamese. The Burmese sent to the king to demand a supply of arms and ammunition, which he complied with, though in a very scanty manner, and very politically gave the Prows which carried them, two letters, one for the Burmese and one for the Siamese; one or two of the Prows went to the Burmese while attacking Bolong, the others meeting with the Siamese delivered their letters. This has been told to the Siamese General with much addition, so that it is yet a doubt if he will not destroy Quedah, for taking and destroying is exactly the same with these savages.

The Siamese General is extirpating Patany. All the men, children and old women he orders to be tied and thrown upon the ground and then trampled to death by elephants.

The King of Quedah has reasons to be afraid of such a tyrant and hopes to secure himself by an alliance with the Honorable Company, yet so little confidence is to be placed in these people that I shall not be surprised at his offering to sacrifice this new Settlement to the avarice of the King of Siam if requested.”

Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 12th September 1786.

“We have received intelligence that the King of Ava has marched his army to attack Siam, and arrived at the borders. We have also received a letter from the King of Siam commanding as to defend the Island of Jank Ceylon against the Burmese, who are expected with a fleet of prows and ships, we have sent our brother the Laxamana to accompany our friend to us that we may profit by his counsel, and consider what is best to be done for the safety of our country.” Letter from Francis Light to the Governor-General. dated 25th November 1786.

“The Siamese General is extirpating Patany. All the men, children and old women he orders to be tied and thrown upon the ground and then trampled to death by elephants.” Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 12th September 1786.

“The Laxamana is desirous I should receive a thousand of the Patany people in this island. This would be highly imprudent, while we have so small a force, especially as the Laxamana from the beginning was much averse to our coming here and wishes to expel us.” Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 25th November 1786.

Is an Indian. “Datoo Sree Raja (formerly named Jammaul and a common coolie) is now the king’s merchant; he is a deep, cunning, villainous Chaliah. By working upon the king’s pusillanimity and raising jealousies, he reduced the power of the great men and engros-sed the whole of the administration, by preferring only such as he thought attached to himself. To save the king from pretended assassinations, he built a small brick fort and shut him up as in a eage; no one dares presume to go to audience without his know-ledge. If he found any of the great men likely to get into favor he bribed them to his interest. By monopolizing every species of commerce and oppressing the people, he found means to supply the king’s necessities without his having the trouble to enquire how it came.”

Letter from Francis Light to Government, Fort Corwallis, dated 12th September 1786.

“Tuanku China is an old fox. He has little to do with the Govern ment, but being rich and having married a daughter of the old king, he bears a considerable a way in their becharas or councils. He has been discovered in an attempt to dispossess his brother by negotiations with Siam and I believe, if he can do it with safety to himself, he will prevail on the Siamese general to turn out the present king and prefer himself. He is now sent by the king to negotiate with the Siamese.”

Letter from Francis Light to Governor-General, dated 12 September 1786.

Primary Sources

This section introduces the surviving letters, journals, official correspondence, and other contemporary records produced by Francis Light that inform the study of his depictions of the Malays.

Diary

Notices of Pinang: Extracts from the Journal of Captain Francis Light, 1786

Documents

He writes of having Malay slaves.

Letters

Letter from Francis Light to Governor General of India, Calcutta, dated 15 February
1786.

This letter is regarding the alliance between the Kingdom of Ava and the French and
the Dutch and Malays.

Letter from Francis Light to the Governor-General, dated 12 September 1786.


This letter entails the war between Selangor and Perak against Kedah and the
characters of the Royal Court of Kedah.

This letter entails the war between Selangor and Perak against Kedah and the characters of the Royal Court of Kedah. Francis Light wrote pertaining the King of Kedah.

Letter from Francis Light to the Governor-General in Council, dated 5th October 1786.


This letter writes that the King of Kedah would suffer if the British settled in Kedah,
therefore he seeks a swift compensation from the British.

Letter from Francis Light to Government-General dated 25 November 1786.


This letter states the fear of the Malays kings of certain Malay States who fear the
attack of the Siamese.

Letter from Francis Light to Government-General dated 12 September 1786.

Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis dated 10 January 1788.

Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis dated 20th June, 1788.

This letter from Francis Light discusses the need to levy taxes and its effects of imposing taxation upon the Penang Island such as inevitable smuggling and the loss of Malay business. In the Malay Archipelago, there is a network of trade amongst the Malay states, India with the English Chinese having a share in it. Penang has no produce of its own, therefore, dependent upon trade.

Letter from Francis Light to the Laksamana Kedah (MS 40320/7, f.141), dated 19 August 1789.

In this letter Francis Light accuses a Malay woman, former wife of a goldsmith as a liar. He sought knowledge from the Laksamana of Kedah to determine if her marital status and it was found that she was indeed a Malay divorcee.

Letter from Francis Light to Lord Cornwallis, dated 24th August 1792.
This letter writes about Syed Hussain and Syed Juffer.

Letter from Francis Light to Government dated 25th January 1794.

A letter to Government published in Vol. V of Logan’s Journal, P. 7, is the last official record of his work, bearing date 25th January, 1794.

Draft Letter from Francis Light (MS 40320/5, folio 39)


This is a letter of a draft from Francis Light to Tenku Raden Muhammad stating that Francis Light no longer wishes to correspond with Tenku Raden Muhammad on the basis of inconsistency of speech and his dislike of Francis Light settling in Penang Island.

“[Draf Surat Francis Light]. Light Letters [MS40320/5 folio 39]. Image provided by SOAS University of London.” “[Draf Surat Francis Light]. Light Letters [MS40320/5 folio 39]. Transliteration provided by Centre for Policy Research and International Studies (CenPRIS). Universiti Sains Malaysia.” “[Draf Surat Francis Light]. Light Letters [MS40320/5 folio 39]. Descriptive Metadata provided by Perpustakaan Universiti Sains Malaysia.”

Secondary Sources

Secondary Sources are studies on Francis Light conducted at a different time and space, which is not written by Francis Light. This is also considered the scholarship on Francis Light.

This section presents the principal biographies, scholarly studies, and historiographical works that examine the life, career, and writings of Francis Light

Bassett, D. K. “Anglo-Malay Relations, 1786–1795.” JMBRAS 38, no. 2 (208) (1965):
183–212. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41492222.

The Malay images written in Francis Light’s letters to especially Lord Cornwallis is a denigration of the character of the Sultan of Kedah and his officers — fickle, avarice, feeble-minded, or treacherous. The accusations are with little basis and his criterion of objectiveness is faulty as he did not provide evidence and reason. While it is peculiar that he wrote this negative imagery after he had settled in the island of Penang. Francis Light’s objective to create a British settlement in the island of Penang was achieved. Yet he praised Tengku Jiwa because he had aided Francis Light in securing Penang beyond the settlement. D. K. Basset only discusses Francis Light (1740–1794), and the images he wrote regarding the Sultan of Kedah and some of his main officers.

In the examination of the portrayal of the Malays in colonial writings, D.K. Basset offers a critical analysis of Francis Light’s (1740–1794) depiction of the Malays, particularly in his interactions with the Bengal Government. D. K. Basset highlights the “remarkable” nature of Light’s denigration of the Malays of Kedah, which he reportedly presented to the Bengal authorities in Calcutta shortly after his arrival in Penang. D. K. Basset argues that Francis Light’s discrediting of the Kedahan ruling class was unfounded, given that he had only recently settled in the region. The criticism, according to D. K. Basset, stemmed more from Francis Light’s personal animosity and colonial intentions rather than any substantive evidence or legitimate grievances against the Kedahan elite. However, only a man named Tengku Jiwa was written in a favourable manner as he had hinted of a possible attack from the Malays towards Penang. This assessment suggests that Francis Light’s portrayal of the Malays was not solely based on objective observations, but rather shaped by his strategic objectives and biases in the context of British colonial expansion in the region.

“The more I consider Captain Light’s proceedings, the more I am convinced of the unkindness of the conduct towards the King of Kedah.” Frank Swettenham. An Account of the Origin and Progress of Siamese Influence in the Malay Peninsula, 1785 to 1882. London: The Colonial Office.1882. P. 30.

Key Insights

Francis Light wanted a British settlement in the Malay Archipelago for self-serving reasons. Therefore, he wrote negatively of the Malays who were against British penetration and wrote positively of those who stood with him. They are narrated to be in need of British governance and culture.

  • Francis Light wanted Social and economic standing in the Malay Archipelago as the circumstances of his birth denied him opportunities of a prosperous life in England.
  • Francis Light did not have the capacity, capital, neither the means to create his own settlement, so he sought the backing of the East India Company.
  • He projected himself on the Malay Sultans such as calling them a bastard, pirates, and ungrateful.
  • He declined to be the Government of Tanjung Salang ( modern day – Phuket) but tried to negotiate for a British settlement in Tanjung Salang but was declined by the East India Company due to economic reasons.
  • He said that the Penang Island had no natives and was a rest and repair for Malay pirates while also writing that 52 Malays were living in Tanjong Tokong and he employed some Malay men from Tanjong Tokong to clear the jungle and they discovered clearings and graveyards of a previous civilisation.
  • The Penang settlement by Francis Light was a deception.
  • Francis Light gave scathing remarks of the Kedah Malay Monarchy for refusing opium as rent payment instead of paying with the agreed currency – Spanish Dollars.
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